Muhammad and The Jews

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Prof S.NURUL HASAN, Delhi University: Muhammad and the Jews is probably the first objective study by a Muslim of a subject that needs a full appreciation in the background of the Arab struggle against zionism.The study conclusively rejects the legendary account of the mass execution of the Banu Qurayzah and the expulsion of Banu Qaynuqa from Medina.Prof F.E.PETERS, New York University: Dr Barakat Ahmad's Muhammad and the Jews is a new approach to a work that has badly needed doing.Muhammad and the Jewish community at Medina had complex and important relations with each other in the early days of Islam, as every student of the subject is we ll aware.But as Dr Ahmad has pointed out, our understanding of those relations is hopelessly covered by our own preconceptions.What is more important is that Dr Ahmad has , laid bare the same preconceptions on the part of the earliest reporters of these same events.Dr Ahmad i s, throughout the work, in admirable control of all the sources, both medieval accounts and the many meditations of modern scholars on the same events.Historians have no obligation to be either ecumenical or conciliator y.Dr Ahmad has attempted to be neither, but to write as an hi storian.He has succeeded admirably well and, in the process, had added something to the course of both ecumenism and conciliation.Rs 75

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' l, MUHAMMAD AND THE JE'WS A RE-EXAMINATION

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INDIAN INSTITUTE OF ISLAMIC STUDIES rMUHAI\1IVlAD AND THE JE,,TS A RE-EXAMINATION BARAKAT ~HMAD VIK.AS PUBLISHING HOUSE PVT LTD New Delhi Bombay Bangalore Calcutta Kanpur

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VIKAS PUBLISHING HOUSE PVT LTD 5 Ansari Road, New Delhi 110002 Savoy Chambers, 5 Wallace Street, Bombay 400001 10 First Main Road, Gandhi Nagar, Bangalore 560009 8/1-B Chowringhee Lane, Calcutta 700016 80 Canning Road, Kanpur 208004 COPYRIGH T fS BARAKA T AHM A D, 1979 JSBN 0 7069 0804 X JY02A2501 Printed a t th e IHMMR Printing Pre ss, Tughlaqabad, New Delhi-110062

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JN MEMORIAM "ABDUL c.AZlZ California Trinidad To those who believe And do deeds of righteousness Hath Allah promised forgiveness And a great reward.The Qur'an, V, 9.

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Acknowledgements Preface PROLOGUE CONTENTS viii ix INTRODUCTION 2 I.THE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE li!JRAH 25 II.THE PEOPLE OF THE SAf:l/FAJI 37 Ill.THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO THE MEDINAN OPPOSITION 51 IV.THE FAfLURE OF THE CONFEDERACY 67 V.THE LAST ENCOUNTER 95 Vl.THE NATURE A ND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT 103 EPILOGUE 126 Bibliography 127 index 135 MAPS l.MEDINA IN THE FIRST YEAR OF THE lf!JRAH 31 2.MEDINA AT THE TlME OF THE BA TILE OF THE Al;IZAB 69 3.KHAYBAR AND THE POSITION OF THE HOSTILE TRIBES 98

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to the following publishers for permission to quote from the books listed: Princeton University Press, History Remembered, Recovered and Invented by Bernard Lewis; Columbia University Press, A Social and Religious History of the Jews by Salo Wittmayer Baron; Oxford University Press, Muhammad at Medina and Muhammad at Mecca by W.Montgomery Watt; Ihe Life of Muhammad and The Traditi01is of Islam: An Introduction to the Study of Hadith Literature by A.Guillaume; University of California Press, A Mediterranean Society by S.D.Goitein; Schocken Books Inc., Jews and Arabs by S.D.Goitein; Charles Scribner's Sons, The Shaping of the Jewish History by Ellis Rivkin; Heinemann Educational Books, The Critical Historian by G.Kitson Clarke ; The Marlin Press Ltd., History and Social Theory by Gordon Leff; Pantheon Books, a division of Random House Inc., and Allen Lane, Penguin Publishing Co.Ltd., Mohammed by Maxime Rodinson, translated by Anne Carter; Macmillan Publishing Co.Inc.Defy and Endure by Eversley Belfield; Simon & Schuster Inc., Allah's Commonwealth by F.E.Peters and E.J.Brill, Encyclopaedia of Islam.I am also grateful to the Editors of Muslim World, Islamic Culture, International Social Science Journal (Unesco) and Bulletin of John Rey/ands Library for permission to quote from their journals.The prologue has been taken from Bernard Lewis' History Remembered, Recovered and Invented, pp 54-55 and the Epilogue from Ellis Rivkin's The Shaping of the Jewish History, pp 106-107 and 118- 119.The opening quotations of the various chapters have been taken from the following books: Chapter I, Sol Wittmayer Baron's A Social and Religious History of the Je ws, Vol.III p.65; Chapter II, F.E.Peter's Allah's Commonwealth, p.63, Chapter III and V.Maxime Rodinson's Mohammed, p.160 and p.214; Chapter IV, Kitson Clarke's The Critical Historian, p.51 and Chapter VI, Arnold J.Toynbee's Greek Historical Thought, p.103.(viii)

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PREFACE Intergroup relations, specially when religion is also involved, are full of conflict and suffering.Martyrology feeds the myth, and prejudice adds bitterness to the legend.Political expediency and biased scholarship invest the legend with the status of history.The account of Muhammad's relations with the Jews of the l;Iijaz is one of such legends.I have analysed this chapter of early Muslim history which has been uncritically accepted both by Muslim and non-Muslim historians.If this re-examination succeeds in raising valid doubts about the evidence on which the account is based, the attempt was worth making.Of the many friends who have helped me at various stages of the progress of this study I wish to thank, in particular, Professors Bernard Lewis, Nicola Ziadeh and Husain Mohammad Jafri.Prof.Nicola Ziadeh helped me to formulate my ideas when the book was little more than a conversation piece.Without his encouragement this book would have never materialised.Prof.Husain Mohammad Jafri subjected each chapter of the first draft to detailed criticism.Prof.Bernard Lewis went over the manuscript word by word and gave practical and helpful suggestions which have influenced almost every chapter of this book.I consider myself most fortunate to have been alerted by him to the many pitfalls which a book such as this is bound to encounter.The book has greatly benefited from his penetrating comments and his advice on the value of Muslim and Jewish sources.My debt to these friends who have been so generous with their time and advice is immeasurable.None of them, however, is responsible for the views and opinions expressed in this book.In fact they hold opposite views on several points raised in this book.My only con- solation is that in most of the cases their criticism was not concurrent, wherever it was I bowed to their cumulative judgment.All errors are sadly mine.Many thanks are due to Dr.M.A.Aziz, the Trustee of Abdul Aziz Trust (Trinidad) and Mr.Mahmud D.Aziz, the Consul- General of Trinidad and Tobago in New York, who provided invaluable help in the final stages of this work.(ix)

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i shouid not wish this book to go out without an expression of gratitude to Professor Arthur Delbridge of Macquarie University, Australia, for his help in reading and correcting the manuscript of this work.l am indebted to my daughter, Sarah, for her editorial assistance.She helped me with references, notes and specially German and Hebrew texts.Her criticisms removed ambiguities of language and argument.Finally I have to thank Prof.Lois A.Giffen, who has spent much time-which she could ill afford-in first pointing out discrepancies in the manuscript and then correcting the proofs of the book.I am grateful to Prof.John S.Badeau and Prof.Howard Wriggins who provided me with an opportunity of working in the pleasant, some- times provocative, but always sympathetic environment of Columbia University.New York Ma y 1975 (x) BARAKAT AHMAD

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PROLOGUE The Historian does not set out to prove a thesis, or select material to establish some point, but follows the evidence where it leads.No human being is free from human failings, among them loyalties and prejudices which may color his perception and presentation of history.The essence of the critical scholarly historian is that he is aware of this fact, and instead of indulging his prejudices seeks to identify and correct them.The recoverers of history begin of course with what is remembered and transmitted.Unlike their predecessors, however, they are not content merely to repeat and pass on the memories of the past.They seek rather to fill its gaps and correct its errors, and their goals are accuracy and understanding.A frequent result, and sometimes perhaps even a purpose of their efforts; is that by analyzing the past they kill it.The minute and critical examination of treasured memories may reveal.them to be false and misleading.Once this exposure becomes generally known, that part of the past loses its power.The scholarly recoverers of the past may therefore exercise a powerful destructive influence.In compensation, they can bring much that is new and enrich the collective memory as well as cleansing it.BERNARD LEWIS

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INTRODUCTION Historians, commentators of the Qur"'iin and eminent transmitters have committed frequent errors in reporting stories and events.They accepted them as they were transmitted, without regard for their value.They did not check them with the principles underlying such historical situations, nor did they compare them with similar material.They neither measured them with the yardstick of philosophy, with the help of knowledge f?f the nature of things, nor with the help of speculation and historical insight.Therefore, they strayed from the truth and found themselves lost in the desert of untenable assumptions and errors.- IBN KHALD-ON In 1833 the Rabbi at Wiesbaden, Abraham Geiger wrote a prize essay Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen ? 1 Rudolf Leszynsky, who also wrote a book on a related subject, 2 called Geiger's essay "epochemachender Schrift" (epoch-making writ- ing).Since then several books and articles dealing with various aspects of the Muslim-Jewish relations have been written.The latest is, probably, Goitein's book Jews and Arabs.a For Western scholars the origin of Islam, and specially of the Qur"'iin, has always been a fascinating subject."Who instructed the Prophet, who were these teachers?" 4 After observing that "a somewhat uneven literature has grown up around the question" 5 , Goitein concludes that it seems 1 Geiger's book was translated i nto English by F.M.Young and printed in India in 1896 under the title Judaism and Islam.Ktav Publishing House, New York, republished the translation in 1970.2 Die Jude11 in Arabie11 zur Zeit Mohammeds (Berlin, 1910).3 S.D.Goitein, Jews and Arabs:Their Colltacts Through the Ages (New York, 1955).4 Ibid., 5 Ibid., 2

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lNTRODUCTJON reasonable to assume that in his early years Muhammad had close contact with Jews, who were not very different from those portrayed in the Talmudic literature" 1.Consequently the beliefs of the Apostle's Jewish neighbours and the nature of his contact with them had a direct bearing on the substance of what he borrowed from Judaism.West- ern scholarship is, however, mainly confined to these factors.Its research work has helped us in understanding the Apostle's relations with the Jews of the I;l.ijaz and specially those of Yathrib.But some of the reports on which this research depends have not been critically examined.Scholars have also not paid sufficient attention to the socio-political aspects of intergroup relations.Rabbi Geiger, whose book is "still valuable" 2 bad both the advantage and disadvantage of working without the vast Arabic literature the modern orientalist has at his disposal.3 But Al-Mukhta(iar ff Ta 0 rlkh al-Bashar4 of Abii al-Fida 0 (672 / 1273 - 732 /1331) was available to him through J.Gagnier, De vita Mohammedis (Oxford, 1723), J.J.Reiske and J.G.Chr.Adler's Anna/es Moslemici (Leipzig, 1754 and Copenhagen, 1789-94) and Historia Anteislamica.He was also acquainted with al-Bay<;liiwi's commentary on the Qur"an and the "excellent unpublished commentary by Elpherar which begins with the 7th Surah".5 He dealt with his subject fairly extensively.From his point of view the nature of the Apostle's relationship with the Jews of Yathrib was not pertinent.He made a passing reference to the Banii Qaynuqii~, the Banii al-Na<;lir and also to the Jews of Khaybar, but did not mention the Banii Quray~ah.He must have known about them not only through Abft al-Fida., but also through the commentary on the Qur"an.If he had thought it necessary he had the material at hand to deal with the struggle "forced on the Jews and Mubammad", which according to Goitein, "has left its mark on the Holy Book of Islam." 6 1 S.D.Goitein, Jeu's and Arabs, p.56.2 Ibid., p.237.3 Such works as Ibn Hishiim's Sirah, al-Waqidi's Maghiizi, and lbn Sacd's Tobaqiir were neither published by then nor probably known to him.4 It is a universal history covering the pre-Islamic period and Muslim history down to 729/1329.5 Geiger, p.VII Yabya b.Ziyad b.cAbd Allah b.Man?lir (144/761-207/822) known as al-Farrii.0 wrote a commentary on the Qur 0 an, Ma~iini al-Qur 0 iin ; which is still in manuscript form.6 Goitein, p.64.3

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Between Geiger and Leszynsky, while Muirl, Grimrne2, Caetani3, Graetz 4 and others dealt with the subject within the larger context of their researches, Wensinck wrote a doctoral thesis on the Apostle and the Jews of Medina.5 Since Leszynsky, Lammens 6 , Wolfen- son,7 HorovitzS, Torrey9, HirschberglO, Baronll and Goitein have dealt with the same material.Montgomery Watt in his Muhammad at Medina 1 2 also devoted a whole chapter to the Jews ofYathrib.No Muslim, as far as I know, has given the subject the importance of an independent study and research.Most of the non-Muslim scholarship is tied down to the main theme of the Jewish influence on Islam, the Apostle's disappointment at his rejection by the Jews and the subsequent expulsion and 'extermination' of the Jews.The subject has not been dealt with in its proper socio-political context.Some of the familiar intellectual attitudes towards non-Muslims, crystallized into patterns of thought, have been repeated for centuries and worn smooth by generations of Muslim jurists and historians.The theme of prejudice and discrimination against ah! al-dhimma, mainly based on the works of Muslim jurists, invariably serves as an introduction to the history of Muslim-Jewish relations.The approach, unfortunately, too often sacrifices history to jurisprndence and ignores historical facts in favour of legend which, in the course of time acquired theological colouring.1 Sir William Muir, Life of Muhammad (London, 1861).2 H.Grimme, Mohammed (Munster, 1892-1895).3 Leone Caetani, Annali dell' Islam (Milan, 1905 ff).4 H.Graetz, History of the Jews (Philadelphia, 1894) Vol.Ill.A.J.Wensinck, Mohammed en de Joden te Medina (Leiden, 1908).Klaus Schwarz, Freiburg im Breisgau, published an English translation in 1975.6 Henri Lammens, "Les Juifs a la Mecque a la veille de l'Hegire", L'Arabie occidentale avant I' Hegire (Beyrouth, 1928).7 Israel Wolfenson, Ta 0 rikh al-Yahud fi Biliid al-'" Arab (Cairo, 1927 ).3 Joseph Horovitz, "Judaeo-Arabic Relations in Pre-Islamic Times", Islamic Culture, Vol.Ill (1929).9 Charles Cutler Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam (New York, 1967, first published in 1933).io Joachim Wilhelm (Haim Zeev) Hirschberg, Israel in Arabia (Tel Aviv, 1946), in Hebrew.11 Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews (New York, 1957), Vol.III.12 (Oxford, 1962, first published in 1956).4·

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INTRODUCTION From the inadequate material at our disposal it is not easy to reconstruct the past as it happened.Muslim historians were not interested in the fate of the Jews, and the Jews themselves have not left any record of their first encounter with Islam.Though the available material is, indeed, meagre, fragmentary and at times contradictory, nevertheless there is enough ground to cal! for a critical re-examination of these accounts.The study is essentially based on the following sources : 1.The Qur~frn; 2.Kitiib Sirat Rasftl Alliih, 1 lbn Hishiim's recensionoftheoriginal work of Ibn lsl,liiq (d.151/768); 3.Al-Jiimi al-Sabif:i2 compiled by Imam al-Bukhari (d.256/869); 4.Al-Sabi[i3 of Muslim b.al-Ijajjaj (d.261/874).Throughout this study I have, of course, examined Kitiib al-Maghiizi 4 of al-Waqidi (d.207/822) and Kitiib al-Tabaqat al-Kabir 5 of Ibn Sa"-d (d.230/845), but the main burden of the argument rests on the four sources given above.The basic source of the history of early Islam is of course the Qur~iin.It is contemporaneous with the Apostle's life and offers a running commentary on all the important events which took place in bis lifetime.But the Qur~ an is not a book of history; history depends on precise chronology, whereas no real idea of the dates or sequence of events can be obtained from it.But it plays a very important role in checking the truth of many an incident which happened during the Apostle's lifetime.Muslim compilers of the biographical dictionaries of the Com- panions of the Apostle, later Muslim historians, Western scholars and modern Muslim historians have written exhaustively in criticism of lbn Isl)iiq, al-Wiiqidi and Ibn Sa"-d.We shall not cover that ground once again.Historical understanding, however, is the constant rethinking of the past.Historical knowledge is inseparable from per- sonal knowledge, which is very much involved with contemporary problems."It is thus that, in a sense, all history is contemporary, too".6 1 Ed.by F.Wustenfeld (2 vols.Gottingen, 1856-60).2 (3 vols.Cairo: AJ-Sha'°b Press.n.d.).3 (2 vols.Labore: Ghulam Ali & Sons, 1958-62).4 Ed.by Marsden Jones (2 vols.London, 1966).5 (8 vols.Beirnt, 1957 ff).6 John Lukacs, Historical Consciousness; or, The Remembered Past (New York, 1968), p.35.5

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In other words, whatever past the historian chooses to discover, he does it with the historical consciousness of his time."There is not a part of history which is objective-the facts-and another part-the historian's interpretation or judgment-which is subjective.Judg- ment and interpretation are equally inherent in deciding what are facts, which are the relevant ones in a certain context, and how significant they are." 1 Ibn Isl:iaq, al-W:iqidi and Ibn Sa"'d, who wrote during the early Abbiisid period, have been closely scrutinised in terms of Shi"'ite and Sunnite partisanship, or their bias towards B.Umayyah or B.al-"' Abbas.Muslim historians and orientalists have been so pre- occupied with "the outbreak of the fitna" 2 and the early schism in Islam that they have overlooked the total environment in which the eighth/ninth century sirah and maghiizi writers worked.They noted Shi"'ite and Sunnite tendencies of their early authors, their Umayyad and Abbasid bias, and their attitude to the prevailing theological controversies.But the historical consciousness of Ibn IsJ:i:iq and others was influenced by several other factors also.As Petersen observes: "The Abbasid period's political situations might have in- fluenced the historical recorders' changing attitudes to the earliest history of Islam."3 But these situations did not involve only "the new rulers' settling with their revolutionary past, the coalition with Shi"'ism in the combat against the Syrian caliphate".4 New lands were being conquered, more and more non-Arab and non-Muslims with their distinct cultures, languages and religions were entering the world of Islam.They brought new ideas and new problems.All these new elements had an impact on the thinking of the early authors.From our point of view their attitude to contemporary Jewish life under the Abbasids is a vital factor in judging the information they impart on the relations of the Jews with the Apostle.Our earliest and most important source for events which took place in the Apostle's lifetime is MuJ:iammad ibn IsJ:i:iq b.Yasiir b.Khiyiir who was born in Medina in about 85/704 during the last year of "'Abd al-Malik's reign.His grandfather, Yas:ir, was among those 1 Gordon Leff, History and Social Theory (University, Ala.: The University of Alabama Press, 1969), p.124.2 Erling Ladewig Petersen, c.Ali and Mu..iiwiya in Early Arabic Tradition (Copenhagen, 1964), p.18.Odense University Press published a new edition in 1974.3 Petersen, p.19.4 !bid., p.178.

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INTRODUCTION taken prisoner at e Ayn al-Tamr.He became the slave of Qays b.Makhramah b.al-Mugalib b.eAbd Manaf b.Qusayy, and having accepted Islam became his maw/a.It was during e Abd al-Malik's ) reign that Mecca was besieged and the Kaebah destroyed.But he J was also the caliph who consolidated the Arab rule and left a splendid" empire.For about thirty years Ibn Is]faq lived in Medina where Imam Malik and Saeid al-Musayyib 1 were his contemporaries.He was taught by many teachers who were sons of the §abiibah.The great Traditionist al-Zuhri was among his teachers.The man who roused the antagonism of Imam Malik and the admiration of al-Zuhri was obviously not an ordinary person, and the time in which he lived was not ordinary either.Spain, Kashghar and Multan were conquered while he was still in Medina.He also saw the collapse of the Umayyads and the rise of the Abbasids.He died in Baghdad between 150/ 767 and 154/770 in the reign of al-Man~iir.Much has been written about his life, and his work has been evaluated from every point of view.2 Muslim and non-Muslim scholarship has, however, ignored the events which took place in his lifetime and influenced his views regarding the Jews living under Muslim rule.On his arrival in the Abbasid capital Ibn Is]faq must have observed that the Jewish community which had the appearance of a state, had a peculiar constitution.The Exilarch and the Gaon were of equal rank.The Exilarch's office was political.He represented Babylonian-Persian Judaism under the Caliphs.He collected the taxes from the various communities, and paid them into the treasury.The Exilarchs, both in bearing and mode of life, were princes: They drove about in a state carriage; they had outriders and a kind of body-guard, and received princely homage....1 Abil MuI:iammad Sa"id b.al-Musayyib (15/636-94/712) was born during the caliphate of eumar.A faqih and mufti, he was highly regarded by ""Umar II.Al-Zuhri, Makhiil and Qatadah considered him one of the greatest scholars.2 SeeibnSa""d,Al-Tabaq<ital-Kubra(Beirut,1958), Vol.VII, pp.32 ff.; al-Bukhari, Kit<ib al-Ta,rlkh al-Kabir (Hyderabad, 1361), Vol.I, p.40; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-/fuff<i; (Hyderabad, 1956), Vol.I, pp.172-74; Ibn I;Iajar al-"" Asqalani, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib (Hyderabad, 1326), Vol.IX, pp.38-45; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta,rikh Baghdad (Cairo, 1931), pp.214-34; Ibn Khallikan, Kit<ib Wafay<it al-A""yiin wa-Anba, Abna• al-Zama11, ed.II:isan ""Abbas (.Beirut, n.d.), Vol.JV, pp.276-7; Ibn Sayyid al-Niis, "Uyiin al-Athar ft F1111ii11 al-Magh<izi wa al-Shamii,ili wa-al-Siyar (Cairo, 1356), Vol.I, pp.8-17; Johann Fikk, Mubammad lbn lsb<iq (Frankfurt am Main, 1925); J.Horovitz, "The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors", Islamic Culture, (1928), pp.169-80; A.Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad(London, 1955), Introduction; Muhammad Hamidullah, Muhammad Ibn lslJ<iq (Karachi, 1967).7

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Now that the Exilarch everywhere met with the respect due a prince, he was installed with a degree of ceremony and pomp...lo a large open place, which was lavishly adorned, seats were erected for him and the presidents of the two schools.The Gaon of Sora delivered an address to the future Exilarch, in which he was reminded of the duties of his office...Both officials put their hands upon the head of the nominee and declared amidst the clang of trumpets, "Long live our lord, the Prince of the Exile." 1 Leon Nemoy has accused Graetz of pro-Muslim bias and said that "Graetz must bear a large share of the blame" for the current illusion that Jewish life under the rule of the Crescent was somehow far easier than it was under the sway of the Cross.2 What Graetz wrote about the Exilarchate is factually correct and is supported by Margolis and Marx3, Hirschberg,4 and Bashan5.But Graetz wrote his history in 1894 under the shadow of the Dreyfus affair, and Leon Nemoy wrote his words of criticism in J 956, probably on the eve of the Israeli occupation of Gaza and Sinai.It is not the facts which have changed, it is the perspective.Graetz is pre-Herzl (the first Zionist Congress was held in Basel in 1897), Nemoy is post-Israeli.But even Goitein, whose book Nemoy was reviewing, after cautious qualifications admits that under the Abbasids the Resh Galutha occupied a very honoured position as the general representative of the Jewish community.According to a Christian source, he had precedence over the Christian dignitaries at the Caliph's court, but as a rule he had no administrative function within the Muslim state.He was addressed by the Muslims as 'Our Lord, the son of David', and as David is described in the Koran as one of the greatest prophets, naturally his office was surrounded by the halo of sanctity...Of far greater importance for the Jews in Islamic countries than the office of the Resh Galutha was another ecumenical dignity, that of the Gaon, which became indeed so prominent in Jewish life during the first five centuries of Islam that these are labelled in Jewish history as 'the Gaonic Period'.Gaon was the title borne by the heads of the two great Jewish academies of Babylonia-Iraq (originally only one 1 Graetz, Vol.III, pp.93-94.2 Review of S.D.Goitein's book Jews and Arabs, The Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol.XLVI, No.4, 1956, p.386.3 Max L.Margolis and Alexander Marx, A History of the Jewish People, (New York, 1965), pp.254-57.4 Haim Z'ew Hirschberg, "Abbasids", Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), Vol.II, Cols.42-3.5 Eliezer Bashan, "Exilarch", Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol.VI, Cols.1023-34.8

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INTRODUCTION of the two) who were regarded by Jews all over the world as the highest authority in all religious matters, which to be sure, also included· at that time civil law.1 While lbn Isl)aq was still in Medina, a Syrian, Serene (Serenus) 2 by name claimed to be the Messiah and held out the promise of a miraculous restoration of Palestine.He set himself up not only as a prophet of the Jews but also as a prophet of the Muslims.He abolished the dietary laws, allowed marriage without a marriage contract and "inscribed the release from Talmudical Ordinances" upon his banner.3 His fame spread as far as Spain, which was now under Muslim rule, and "the Jews of that country resolved to abandon their property and to place themselves under the leadership of the pseudo-Messiah".4 He was finally captured and brought before Yazid II (101 / 720-105/725), who handed him into the bands of Jews.He was sentenced to death by a Jewish-Muslim court.5 Within less than a quarter of a century Abu Muslim hoisted the black flag of revolt at Merv, and Abu al-co Abbas, after eliminating the Umayyads, proclaimed himself Caliph in 132/749.His successor al-Man~ur treacherously murdered Abii Muslim in 137/755.Iran and specially Khurasan, which was loyal to Abu Muslim, once more became a centre of storms and revolutions.New uprisings followed.Sinbadh (140/757) 6 , Ustadhsis (149/766-151/768)7, al-Muqanna" (161/777-164/780) 8 rose to avenge Abu Muslim's 'death.All of them were crushed by al-Man~iir.It was sometime during this period, but before the Sirah was compiled, that a sec9nd Jewish Messiah arose in the strong Jewish centre of Isfahan.lbn e1sa Obadiah9 claimed that Palestine was to be 1 Goitein, pp.120-121.During the first hundred years of Fatimid rule the Gaon, or head of the Jerusalem Academy, occupied a similar position with regard to the Jews of the Fatimid empire.See Goitein, A Mediterrane an Society, Vol.II , pp.5-18, 519-524.2 There seems to be considerable controversy about his name.3 Graetz, Vol.III, p.120.4 Ibid., p.121.5 Margolis and Marx, p.259.6 Edward G.Browne, A Literary History of Persia (London, 1928), Vol.I, p.313.7 Ibid., p.317.8 Ibid., p.318.9 The name is variously given.The Encyclopaedia Judaica version has been followed.Hyamson (infra n.2 on p.10) gives it as Isaac ben Ya"qub Obadiah Abo "Isa al-I~fahani.Shahrastani calls him Isl)aq b.Yacoqub (infra n.1 on p.10).9

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restored not by a miracle but by force.He called the Jews to his standard and some ten thousand Jews collected under his leadership hailing him as the Messiah.1 His uprising was well-timed, since the Abbasid Caliphate was still not consolidated."The affairs of the Khalifate were at that period in a chaotic condition, and a military movement, such as Isaac's soon became, had good chances of success".2 Ibn "'isa had planned to join forces with a Persian rebel chief against the Caliph, but al-Man~i.ir defeated him at Rayy, where he fell in battle.3 "These messianic uprisings", Grayzel observes, "were based on a strange mixture of ideas.The desire of a fairly large number of Jews to throw off the yoke of their new Mohammedan masters was bound up, somehow, with rebelliousness against Jewish authority." 4 It is difficult to say how the author of the Sirah reacted to these events.·As a confident member of the dominant elite he could ignore the revolts, smugly look at Jewish prosperity and freedom under Islam and deal with the history of the Jews in the ljijaz during the life of the Apostle with detachment.Or did the impact of the messianic movements juxtaposed with the pomp and show of the Exilarch give him an impression of Jewish infidelity and ungratefulness? Were his reporters (who were the sons of converted Jews)5 aware of these events, nervous and outdoing the Arab Muslims in their loyalty by embellishing their reports about the Jews of Medina? One is tempted to speculate-and not without reason-that the B.Qaynuqa", the B.al-Na<;lir and above all the B.Quranah were not so much part of the maghazi of the Apostle as much as a warning to the Jews of the Abbasid empire: 'one more lbn "isa and you will be exterminated like the B.Quray:fah'.It is idle to ask whether Ibn lsl).aq was not hearing the echoes of the trumpets at the installation of the Exilarch retro- 1 Maimonides lggeret Teman, vide Israel Friedlander, "Jewish Arabic Studies'', The Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol.I (1910-11), p.206.Shahrastani; Al-Mila[ wa al-Nii1al (Cairo, 1968), Vol.I, p.180, says a large crowd of Jews followed him.2 Albert M.Hyamson, "Messiahs (Pseudo-)", Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (New York, 1916), Vol.III, p.582.3 In addition to Shahrastani and Maimonides see Graetz, Vol.III, p.124-5, and Margolis and Marx, p.259.4 Solomon Grayzel, A History of the Jews (New York, 1968), p.245.5 Ibn l;lajar Al-"Asqalani, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, IX, p.45.

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INTRODUCTION spectively when the camel caravan of the unlucky B.al-Na9ir wound its way from Medina to K.haybar.It was on such an occasion when Noldeke simply remarked: "It may have been so; but maybe it was entirely different."1 But one thing is certain: lbn Isl)aq's attitude, as we shall see later in our examination of his reports, is consistently tilted against the Jews of the J:Iijaz.lbn Isl)aq has been commended by the early Muslim rijiil specialists and modern scholars-Muslim and non-Muslim.Though "as is usual in the literature of djarh wa ta"- di!, we find the early Muslim critics expressing diametrically opposed judgments on Ibn Isl)ak", 2 the majority holds him in high regard.Al-Zuhri described him as "the most knowledgeable of men in maghiizi" 3 and "-A~im b."-Umar b.Qatadah said that "knowledge will remain amongst us as long as lbn lsl)aq lives''.4 Shu"-bah b.al-I;Jajjaj (85/704-160/776) described him the amir of Traditionists because of his memory.5 Sufyan b."-Uyaynah (107/725-198/813) said he did not know anyone who accused (yattahim) lbn Isl)iiq (in !jaduh).6 Imam Shafi"-! said, "he who wants to study the maghilzi in depth should consult Ibn lsl)aq".7 Yal)ya b.Ma"-in and Imam Al)mad b.J:Ianbal considered him trustworthy.8 Malik b.Anas, however, called him a "dajjiil {charlatan) who belongs to the dajiijilah".9 According to various versions, Hisham b."'Urwah also did not considerlbn lsl)aq worthy of credence.lo The 1 Quoted by Franz Rosenthal in his introduction to Charles Cutler Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, p.7.2 J.M.B.Jones, "Ibn Isl,lak", Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., Vol.III, pp.810-811.3 lbn Sayyid al-Nas, "'Uyiin al-Athar fi Funiin al-Maghiiziwa al-Shamii" iii wa al-Siyar (Cairo, 1356), Vol.I, p.8.Though a late writer (d.734/1334), Ibn Sayyid al-Nas collected all the available references to Ibn Isl,laq, both favourable and unfavourable and then tried to defend him against his critics.In his introduction to "'Uyiin (pp.5-21) Ibn Sayyid al-Nas has provided the most comprehensive summary of Muslim opinion oflbn Isl,laq.4 Ibid., p.9; Tahdhib, Vol.IX, p.44.5 Al-Bukhari, Kitiib Ta'rikh al-Kabir, Vol.I.p.40.6 Ibid.; Ibn Khallikan, Vol.IV, p.276.7 Ibn Khallikan, Vol.IV, p.276.s Ibid., pp.276-7; Ibn Sayyid al-Nas, pp 10-11.9 Yaqiit, Mu"'jam al-Udabii', (Cairo, 1935-38), II.p.400.1 o See for fuller discussion, Joseph Horovitz, "The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors", Islamic Culture, April 1928, pp.169-80; Hamidullah (1967).11

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most pertinent criticism, from our point of view, is Ibn IsJ:iaq's method of "tracing the ghazawiit of the Prophet by means of the sons of the Jews who had become Muslims and remembered the story of Khaybar and other matters".1 Dealing with this charge and the quarrel bet- ween Ibn JsJ:iaq and the great Traditionist Malik b.Anas, Ibn Sayyid al-Nas concludes that both of them were finally reconciled and when Ibn IsJ:iaq left Medina for Iraq Malik gave him fifty dinars and half of his date crop of the year as a gift.Malik did not intend to malign him as a Traditionist but he did question his acceptance of the reports of Khaybar, Quray'.?ah and al-Nagir and such other unattested events from the Jewish converts (from their fathers).Ibn lsJ:iaq followed these reports in his maghiizi without necessarily ascertaining the true facts whereas Malik himself did not report except from reliable men.2 As we shall see while examining the various reports of Ibn Isl) aq, the charge does not seem to be without substance.While converts from one religion to another are not necessarily unreliable, a historian should closely scrutinize reports emanating from them.The very fact of their conversion means that they considered the attitude, the policy and.the action of their erstwhile co-religionists objectionable, if they were sincere in their conversion; it was expedient to disassociate themselves from their action, if the conversion was forced.In any case their tendency in remembering and reproducing the events of their past or the past of their ancestors direcily involved in conflicts with their new co-religionist will be subconsciously-and sometimes deliberately-prejudicial to the task of ascertaining true facts.One might, however, ask in parenthesis if Malik b.Anas's charge was fair.It shows a latter-day prejudice against the Jewish converts.Wh y should they be less reliable than the sons of the pagan Arab converts? Would the Muslim sons of those Meccan pagans who fought the Apostle not distort the role of their ancestors in the same manner as the sons of the Jewish converts, to gain acceptability? Their reports need as much verification as those of the Jewish converts.Referring to lbn IsJ:iaq's methodology of reporting the events in Medina Horovitz observes : H er e the isniid is th e rule, and the authorities of Ibn Is]Jaq are his Medina t ea cher s, above all al-Zuhri, c Asim ibn cu mar and c Abdullah ibn Abl Bakr, to whom also he is already indebted for the chronological scaffolding...For the presentation of 1 Talldhib, Vol IX, p, 45.2 Ibn Sayyid al-Nii.s, Vol.I, p.17.12..

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INlRODUCTION the actual Maghazi, Ibn Isl:taq employs a fixed scheme; he sends a brief comprehensive statement of contents on in front, follows it tip with a collective account composed of the statements of his weightiest teachers and completes this principal account by individual reports gathered by him from other sources.1 Horovitz' observations are mainly valid as far as Ibn Isl;iiq's general narrative is concerned.His account of the four Jewish maghiizi, however, is at variance with his general scheme."'A~im b."'Umar b.Qatiidah is the main informant of the important events in the affair of the B.Qaynuqii" and no Jewish reporter is involved.The deporta- tion of the B.al-Na~lir also follows the general pattern.The main story begins with Yazid b.Ruman reporting it direct to Ibn Isl;iiq.With the B.Quray?ah the pattern seems to break down.Most of the main events, as we shall see, are not preceded by isniids.Several reliable reporters like al-Zuhri and Qatiidah appear during the narrative, but a closer examination discloses that they are reporting minor details, not the major events.The account of the expedition to the Khaybar presents the same mixture of reports, some based on isniids, others without isniids.Again one comes across important names preceding some reports, but most of them pertain to either juristic matters or minor details.It might perhaps be safe to say that generally speaking Ibn lsl)iiq does not give isniids on crucial matters concerning the B.Quray?ah or the Jews of Khaybar.Writing on lbn Isl)iiq's use of the isniid Robson agrees with the observation of Horovitz quoted above and goes on to say : He commonly begins his treatment of some incident by a general statement of what happened without any authority being quoted but this is merely his method of introducing the subject, for he usually goes on to give isnads of various kinds for details of the incident, or to present different statements of what happened.2 Robson further observes :...Ibn Isl,iaq is quite open about his methods.He does not claim that all the information he gives is full of authority, nor does he try to trace everything back to the Prophet.We may therefore be inclined to trust him when he does quote direct authorities and when he gives connected isnads.3 When Ibn Jsl)iiq does not give an isniid he is either dealing with material 1 Horovitz, IC (1928), p.176.2 James Robson, "Ibn Ishaq's Use of the Isnad", Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Vol.38, 1955-56, p.451.3 Ibid., p.457.13

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which was "so well known and well authenticated that it was unneces- sary to produce the evidence of an isnild" 1 or is drawing upon "a common corpus of qil$$ and traditional material, which they (sirah- maghiizi writers) arranged according to their own concepts and to which they added their own researches."2 It would be reasonable therefore, to assume that the lack of an isnild for some of the major events concer- ning the B.Quray~ah and most of the important events of Khay bar indi- cates that lbn Is).laq drew his material from the 'common corpus of qa~~·.We may revert here to Imam: Malik's charge that lbn lsl}aq traced the glzazawiit of the Apostle by means of the sons of the conver- ted Jews who remembered the stories of the B.al-Na9ir, the B.Q·uray~h and Khaybar.An examination of Ibn Isl}iiq's isniids shows that out of three hundred and four isniids, which he used in the Sirah there are only nine in which a Jewish convert or a Jew is involved.3 The names of the Jewish reporters and the subjects of their reports are given below : 4 1.Abu Malik b.Tha"labah b.Abu Malik al-Qura?:i, The l;limyarites accepted Judaism after the rabbis with their sacred books hanging from their necks walked through fire without any harm to them; 5 2.MuQ.ammad b.Ka"b al-Qura:fi, i) Conversion of the people of Najran to Christianity by "Abd Allah b.al-Thamir; 6 ii) "Utbah b.Rabi"ah's proposal to the Apostle offering him money, honour etc.if he stopped insulting their gods; 7 iii) The Apostle badly treated by the Thaqif in Ta "if; 8 1 James Robson, "Jbn Isl,Jaqs Use of the Isniid", Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, Vol.38, 1955-56, p.452.2 J.M.B.Jones, "Ibn Isl,Jiiq and Al-Waqidi", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol.XXII, 1959, p.51.3 The isniid count is based on lsniid Index given in Ibn Hisham, Kitab Sirat Rasul Allah, ed.by Dr.Ferdinand Wilstenfeld (2 Vols.Gottingen, 1860), pp.58·69.This number does not include Ibn Hishiim's isnads.4 I have tried to follow as closely as possible the order in which a Jewish reporter appears in the Sirah.5 Ibn Hishii.m, p.17.6 Ibid., pp.23, 24.7 Ibid., pp.185-87.8 Ibid., pp.279-80.14

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INTRODUCTION iv) The Apostle's departure from his house m Mecca on his way to Medina;l v) The raid on Al-cUshayrah (2/623);2 vi) The occasion of the revelation of the I 27th verse of Siirat al-Anfii/; 3 vii) Abu Sufyan's order to break camp after the Battle of al-Al;zzab ;4 viii) Abu Dharr's death; 5 3.A shaikh of the B.Quray+ah, The prophecy of a Syrian Jew, Ibn al-Hayyaban, that a prophet would migrate to Medina ;6 4.The Abbar of the Jews, The fulfilment oflbn al-Hayyaban's prophecy ; 7 5.One of the family of"Abd Allah b.Salam, The story of" Abd Allah b.Salam's conversion to Islam ; 8 6.Safiyah hint l;Iuyayy b.Akhtab, I;Iuyayy b.Akhtab's determination to oppose the Apostle;9 7.One of the B.Quray+ah, "Abd Allah b.Suriya's testimony that the Jews knew Muhammad was a prophet sent by God; 1 0 8.One of Yamin's family, Yamin gave a man money to kill "Amr b.Jil)ash, who had attempted to kill the Apostle;ll 9."Atiyah al-Qura+i, "Atiyah was not executed with other adults of the B.Quray+ah as he was a lad.12 None of the above reports refers to Khaybar and only the last two reports provide information on one minor episode each in the 1 Ibo Hisham, p.326.2 Ibid., p.422.3 Ibid., pp.584-85.4 Ibid., pp.683-84.5 Ibid., p.901.6 Ibid., pp.135-36.7 Ibid., p.136.8 Ibid., pp.353-54.9 Ibid., pp.354-55.16 Ibid., pp.394-95.11 Ibid., pp.654.12 Ibid., p.692.15

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ghazawat of the B.al-Na<;lir and the B.Quranah.It seems to be obvious that Imam Malik's charge was not based on the above reports.A more reasonable explanation is that Imam Malik had a fuller know- ledge of the qiiJJ material current at the time and was in a position to locate the stories which originated from the sons of the Jewish converts.Ibn Isl,Jaq seems to have seen no harm in incorporating this material in his Srrah without verification and without isniid.Imam Malik objected to this procedure.Levi Della Vida's observation on the subject confirms our view : The abundance and the variety of material collected by Ibn Isl:iiiq forced him to enlarge the circle of his authorities and to accept a number of insufficiently supported traditions.He even takes care to give the source, not always particularly clear, of some of his information, especially when, as is oft en the case, ii goes back to Je wish or Christian sources.1 Ibn Isl,Jaq had no direct knowledge of the events and in view of the self-contradictory nature of the accounts one would have expected that he would either qualify his statements or absolve himself of the responsibility of reporting something of which he either had no direct knowledge or which he thought was of a doubtful nature.In all other doubtful cases he normally uses phrases such as "in what has reached me"2, or "it was mentioned to me"3 or he would simply finish a story by adding that God knows best what happened.Ibn Isl,Jaq does not show this caution and scrupulousness in his account of the B.Quranah.The Umayyads encouraged the collection and preservation of the Traditions, anecdotes and accounts of the maghiizi.Many tiibi~un were involved in these efforts; scholars like Musa b.<-Uqbah wrote the accounts of maghiizi while a Traditionist like Malik b.Arras collected the Traditions.But it was lbn Isl,Jaq whose Sirah provided a complete history: pre-Islamic background, pre-Hijrah struggle in Medina, the expansion of Islam after the truces of Hudaibiyah and Khaybar, together with a biography of the Apostle (complete with miracles) which could stand up to any hagiography of a Christian saint.This is not to impute motives or a conscious effort on the part of Ibn Isl,Jaq to fabricate miracles or to pick and choose from the qii:JJ material reports emanating from the descendants of the Jewish converts to Islam.There is no reason to disagree with Guillaume's observation 1 G.Levi Della Vida, "Sira", El(l), Vol.IV, p.442.The italics are mine.2 fi ma balaghani.s dhukira [; 16.,_

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INTRODUCTION that lbn Isl_iaq's life of the Apostle "is recorded with honesty and truth- fulness and, too, an impartiality which is rare in such writings".l But a historian is very much part of his time.He cannot isolate him- self from the climate of opinion in which he breathes.Men can do only what the norms of their times permit, declared Macaulay.2 To sum up, the character of lbn IsI:iak in comparison with the authors who preceded him is that of a real historian and in him we have the final fusion of biography of the religious type of the mu/:laddithun with that of the epic-legendary type of the kuJJaJ.It is this original and personal character of the work of Ibn IsQa.k, which, while it explains the hostility of the school of traditions, justifies the immense success which it has enjoyed through the centuries, a success which has not only over- shadowed similar previous works and some which closely followed him...but made him a decisive influence on the future development of the Sira.ln addition to Ibn Hishilm's recension, Ibn IsJ:iak's biography was reproduced for the most part by al-Tabari in his two great compilations, the Ta'rikh and the Tafsir and through the intermediary of these two writers it has become 1he principle source of later historiography.3 By the time al-Waqidi (130/747-207/823) and Ibn Sa"d (168/784- 230/845) completed their works both the Abbasid caliphate and the post-Islamic Exilarchate were firmly established.lbn "Isa al-I~fahani's rebellion had been forgotten and forgiven.The Saboras who headed the two leading academies at Sura and Pumbaditha bad given themselves the new title of Gaon, "Your Eminence", and were recognized by the Caliphs as the judicial authority for the Jews within the Muslim Empire.Yehudi ben Naham during his brief term of office (760-764) helped to lay the foundations of what may be described as the invisible Jewish government in exile.The Jews in the Diaspora were governed through the Gaonic Responsa.Abu "Abd Allah MuJ:iarnmad b."Urnar al-Waqidi was born in Medina and was called al-Waqidi after his grandfather al-Waqid, who was a maw/a of "Abd Allah b.Buraida who belonged to a Medinite family.His only surviving work is Kitiib a/-Maghiizi (The Book of Expeditions).Within that limited scope he has collected some very useful information about the Medinite life of the Apostle.Kitiib al-Tabaqiit a/-Kabrr of Ibn Sa"d, who was al-W aqidi's pupil and secretary, is 1 Guillaume, p.xxiv.Quoted by Melvin Maddocks, the reviewer of his biography by John Clive, Macaulay: The Shaping of the Historian (New York, 1974), in Time, April 22, 1974, p.90.3 G.Levi Della Vida, "Sira", El(l) Vol.IV, p.442.17

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based mostly on his teacher's work, but it is a compilation of great value.Named The Great Book of Classes, it is in fact an extended dictionary or Who's Who containing biographies of the Apostle, his a$/:ziib (Companions) and tiibi"-iln, the later bearers of Islam, conveniently arranged under classes.Both of them are chroniclers of events, collectors of anecdotes and repositories of the remembered past, but lack historical conscious- ness, which lbn Isl).aq and Ibn Hisham show.We shall, therefore, use them, depending on the reliability of their reports, to check, supplement and evaluate Ibn Isl).aq's account of the events with which we are concerned.The rijiil critics consider al-Waqidi unreliable.Imam Al).mad b.I;Ianbal calls him a liar 1 and al-Dhahabi says, "he is no longer cited".2 According to lbn Khallikan, "the Traditions received from him are considered offeeble authority, and doubts have been expressed on the subject of his veracity".3 On the other hand Western scholarship quotes complimentary opinions on his reliability.4 Petersen, who has done considerable work on the growth of early Muslim historical writing, however, warns that al-Waqidi's Traditional material must "be treated with greater reservation than that of other scholars".5 Abii"-Abd Allah Mul).ammad b.Sa"-d b.Mani al-Ba~ri al-Hashim! kiitib of al-W aqidi was a maw/a (client) of the B.Hashim, his grandfather being a freedman of I;Iusayn b."-Abd Allah b."-Ubayd Allah b.eAbbas.6 Though "as a comparison with the text of Waqidi's Maghazi shows, lbn Sa"'d relies above all upon W aqidi" 7 the rija/ critics consider lbn Sa"'d a "trustworthy authority".s As we shall see, however, after providing a comprehensive list of his main transmitters before giving an account of the maghazi, he rarely provides isnads for the individual incidents and events, though there are exceptions such as Badr etc.Therefore, in spite of his general trustworthiness, it is not possible to 1 Miziin al-l"tidiil (Cairo, 1382/1963) Vol.III, p.663.2 Al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-lfujfiiz.Vol.I, p.348.3 Ibn Khallikan, Wafayiit trans.by M.de Slane (Repr.Karachi, 1964), Vol.IV, p.326.4 Joseph Horovitz, IC, (1928), p.518 and EI(l) Vol.IV, p.1104-5; Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford, 1953), p.12.5 Petersen, p.83.6 Tahdhib, Vol.IT, p.344.7 Horovitz, (1928), p.524.8 J.W.Fuck, "Ibn Sa"d," El (2) Vol.III.p.922.18

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INTRODUCTION isolate any one of the accounts with which we are concerned and then to identify the source of his information.With these three works, all written or collected approximately a century and a half or more after the events under study took place, our earliest record of the remembered past of early Islam comes to a close.What was remembered by our informants the original reporters and transmitters, and above all what was recorded by Ibn Isl_iaq, al-Waqidi and lbn Sac:.d reflects the importance which they attached to the events as preserved.It is their historical consciousness on which we depend.It is definitely not comparable to our sense of history.Details which might have been of interest to us have been lost for ever, for the early observers of that history were not concerned with them.For example Ibn Isl;iiiq begins his account of the affair of the B.Qaynuqac:.with the following words: The Apostle assembled them in their market and addressed them as follows : 'O Jews, beware lest God bring upon you the vengeance that he brought upon Quraysh and become Muslims...1 Ibn Isl;iaq does not tell us why the Apostle assembled them to give such a warning, though he goes on to say that the B.Qaynuqac:.were the first of the Jews to break their agreement with the Apostle and go to war between Badr and Ul;iud.2 What was that agreement, when was it signed and how did the B.Qaynuqiic:.break it? There is no informa- tion.Almost a hundred years later, Ibn Hishiim (d.218/833) editing the Sirah, noticed that the account lacked some important information.So he added that a Muslim woman was insulted by the B.Qaynuqac:.in their market.3 Was that the only reas6n? Was it an act of war? Did it mean the breach of an agreement? We can only conjecture, re- construct and try to search for the reasons which led the Apostle to assemble the B.Qaynuqac:.and administer them such a warning.For Ibn Isl;iaq, who never suppresses relevant evidence, this information was not important.If he knew, he did not care to record it; if he did not know, he did not think it was necessary to obtain it.Before giving an account of the battle of UJ:iud, Ibn Isl)aq records that the - Apostle said, 'kill any Jew that falls into your power'.Thereupon Mul;iayyi~ah b.Masc:.ud leapt upon lbn Sunaynah, a Jewish merchant 1 Ibn Hishiim, p.545.2 Ibid.3 Ibid.19

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with whom they had social and business relations, and killed him.1 It seems to be a drastic order.Could the Apostle enforce it in the third year of the Hijrah? What was the occasion? And in spite of the language of the order which covered every Jew it seems lbn Sunaynah was the only unfortunate Jew who fell into Muslim hands.It is obvious that lbn Isl)iig gave this information without context; some important link is missing.For lbn IsJ:iiiq that link was not signi- ficant, and for us it is impossible to recover.Ibn Isl)iiq quotes a con- ciliatory letter which the Apostle wrote to the Jews of Khaybar 2 , but does not tell us who carried the letter, how the messenger trans- mitting the letter was treated, how the Jews reacted to it, whether they replied, and if they did what their reply was.That information is lost to us.One may agree with Lord Raglan's conclusion, which he has drawn after careful study, that "any fact about a person which is not placed on record within a hundred years of his death is lost." 3 Add to this the fact that "every incident begins to fade as soon as it has occurred".4 · Considerable critical work on the authenticity of the lf adith literature has been done by Goldziher5, Margoliouth, 6 Lammens 7 , Robson8 and Schacht9.Al-Sabil;ain, the first two collections of authoritative traditions known as "The Six Genuine Ones", the !iaf:iih of MuJ:iammad b.Ismii"il _, al-Bukhari (194/810-256 /8 70) and the $al;lh of Muslim b.al-J:Jajjaj (210/816-261/785), though slightly later, "represent for the first time in the literature a more rigorous criticism 1 Ibn Hisham, p.553.2 Ibid., pp.376-7.3 Lord Raglan, The Hero: A Study in Tradition, lvlyth and Drama (New York, 1956), p.13.4 Ibid., p.14.5 Ignaz Goldziher, lvlus/im Studies (The original was first published in 1890) trans.· by C.R.Barber and S.M.Stern (London, 1971), Vol.II.6 D.S.Margoliouth, The Early Development of Mohammedanism (London, 1914).7 Henri Lammens, Islam, Beliefs and Institutions, trans.by Sir E.D.Ross (London , 1929).8 James Robson, " Tradition", 711e Muslim World, Vol.XLI, 1957, January, pp.22-23, April, pp.98-112 and July, pp.166-180.9 J.Schacht, The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 1959).A vast literature by Muslim scholars, especially of India and Pakistan, to rebut the.criticism of Western scholars, especially that of Schacht , has recently appeared in Urdu.Fuad Sezgin has also done some valuable work.Unfortunately most of these works have not been translated either into Arabic or English.20 •.

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INTRODUCTION of the isniid than that customary in the preceding period".1 Both of them had their shuruf (conditions) and if a Tradition did not comply with those conditions it was not included in their collection.Robson, discussing degrees of authority in Traditions points out that Muslim scholars like Mul)ammad b.~ Abd Allah al-Naisabiiri put first on their list those which were given by both Al-Bukhari and Muslim2.This, in fact, is a general view not limited to al-Naisaburl.But the criticism of the If adith does not apply to the Traditions quoted in this study.Traditions concerning legal and juristic subjects, though they may not always be obvious, have not been used.The Traditions, which might have been fabricated under Umayyad or Abbasid influence are not relevant to our research.Similarly Tradi- tions concerning the Shi~i-Sunni differences are suspect and do not concern us.Most of the criticism by classical and Western scholars is aimed at such Traditions.My attitude, therefore, in dealing with the Ifadith material has been identical to that of Montgomery Watt who says : In the legal sphere there may be some sheer invention of traditions, it would seem.But in the historical sphere, in so far as the two may be separated, and apart from some exceptional cases the nearest to such invention in the best early historians appears to be a 'tendential shaping' of material...in as much as many of the ques- tions in which the historian of the mid-twentieth century is interested are not affected by the process of shaping, there should be little difficulty in obtaining answers to his questions from the sources.3 Wherever no motive can be ascribed, or wherever a If adlth is not directly involved in a controversy of the sub ject under study I am inclined to depend more on it than on our three maghii zi sources.Guillaume's remarks on the subject are pertinent in this connection : A man who laboured sixteen years on the compilation of his corpus, who sought the aid of prayer before committing a tradition to writing and who interro- gated over one thousand sheikhs living in places so distant as Balkh, Merv, Nisapur, the principal towns of Mesopotamia, the Hijaz, Egypt, and Syria, deserved well of his co-religionists...The man Bukhari has always been immeasurably greater in the popular estimation th an Muslim, and the tendency has been for the work of the former to take precedence of the latter.The one is prized for its range over the whole field of fiqh and the strictness of the shurlit or rules for determining the trust- worthiness of riiwfs, while the other is preferred for its more concise treatment 1 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, Vol.II, p.227.2 Robson, The Muslim World, Vol.XLI, p.32.3 Montgomery Watt,.Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford, 1968), p.13.21

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of the material.Together they fo1:m an almost unassailable authority, subject indeed to criticism in details..."l My preference for the ~abibain is strictly confined to the study of the historical data concerning the Jews during the time of the Apostle.This would not necessarily apply to the discussion of other subjects, particularly to the origin of Shicism or controversies emanating from the Umayyad ano Abbasid claims and would certainly not apply to fiqh questions pertaining to non-Muslims.The Qur""an and the five works mentioned above exhaust our primary sources.Besides these sources I have also used the Sunan of Abu Da""iid and al-Samhiidi's Waj[i" al-Wafii? bi Akhbiir Diir al-Mu~fafa.Abii Da""iid (202/817-275/888) was a contemporary of al-Bukhari and a pupil of Al)mad b.]:Ianbal.Abii Da""iid is less strict with his conditions (shuruf) and where a favourable verdict has been accorded by a lenient scholar he has "accepted the lf adith despite the weight of adverse criticism".2 This does not mean that he did not exercise proper caution."He wrote down half a million lf adith, from which he selected 4,800; he calls these authentic, those which seem to be authentic, and those which are nearly so".3 Nur al-Din Abu al-l;Iasan "Ali b.eAbd Allah b.Al)mad al-Samhiidi (844/1440-911/1505) · studied in Cairo under the most renowned man of his time, the Sufi saint al-"Iraqi.In 860/1455 he went on pilgrimage and afterwards settled in Medina where he stayed for nearly six years.During this period he made extensive researches on the original state of the Mosque of the Apostle.In 886/1461 he went to pilgrimage and then returned to Egypt where he was admitted to the circle of Sultan al-Ashraf Qa""itbey.He returned to Medina in 890/1485 and remained there till his death.His principal work, which I have used, is Wafii"" al-Waj[/' bi Akhbiir Diir al-Mu~fafa.4 This work is the main source of information for the history and the topography of Medinas.I have used the two above-mentioned works for supplementary information and supportive evidence but not as independent authorities.1 Alfred Guillaume, The Traditions of Islam: An Introduction to the Study of the Hadith Literature (Oxford, 1924) pp 30-32.The italics are mine.2 Guillaume, p.34..3 Ibid., p.34.4 It was published in Cairo in four volumes in 1955.0 See for further details, l;Iajji Khalifah, Kash/ al-:?uniin, Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur, Vol.G.II, p.173 and the editor's introduction to the 1955 edition of Wafii 0 al-Wafii 0 mentioned above.22

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INTRODUCTION Abii Dii.,iid provides additional information or explanation of events, where our primary sources have been silent or vague.Al-Samhiidi is the earliest source on Medina after Islam.During the course of research other important sources of Muslim history, which were con- ceived in another tradition and were inspired by different motives, such as Yal;iyii b.Adam's Kitiib al-Khariij and Abii al-Faraj al-I!?bahiini's Kitiib al-Aghiini have also been sifted for relevant material.The main facts or arguments, however, do not depend either on them or on al-W iiqidi and Ibn Sa"'d, and the present study would still stand if references to these works were omitted.Lord Acton once observed that when an interesting statement is discovered, the critical method "begins by suspecting it"; the his- torian's basic duty "is not the art of accumulating material, but the sublimer art of investigating it-of discerning truth from falsehood".The punishment of the B.Quray+ah is unique in the life of the Apostle.The total number of men reported to be executed on surrender is said to be six hundred to nine hundred, while the total number of Muslims and non-Muslims killed during all the battles and expeditions which were undertaken during the Apostle's lifetime is less than five hundred killed on both sides-the number of non-Muslims killed is less than three hundred."This dark episode, which Muslim tradition, it must be said, takes quite calmly, has provoked lively discussion among Western biographers of Mul;iammad, with caustic accusations on the one hand and legalistic excuses on the other".1 But in this lively discussion both sides seem to have paid little attention to critical exa- mination of the evidence.The Western scholar quoted Ibn IsJ:iiiq, al-Wiiqidi and Ibn Sacd and the Muslim apologist answered back with Deuteronomy 2 and 2 Samuel3.Stories of massacres and mass murders have a way of impressing themselves on man's imagination.Once circulated it is difficult to remove them from the collective memory of people.Even when historically demolished they become part of popular legend.George W.Hartman in the Journal of Social Psychology4 has analysed the 1 Francesco Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam trans.by Virginia Luling and Rosamund Linell, (London, 1968), p.73.2 Deuteronomy 20, 13-14, quoted by Muhammad Ali, Muhammad the Prophet (Lahore, 1924), p.163.3 2 Samuel XII, 31, quoted by Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of lslam(London, 1964), p.82.4 Vol.XXII, November 1945, pp.221-236.23

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emotional factors which lead to the continued acceptance of such myths in the absence of any substantial and trustworthy evidence.Of all historical 'facts', stories of massacres and mass executions and murders are most susceptible to doubt and the most likely to prove either pure fabrications or high exaggerations.lbn Isl).aq and to a lesser degree, al-Waqidi and lbn Sa""d and their predecessor al-Zuhri and Musa b.""Uqbah remembered, noted and reproduced what they considered to be significant facts.Events and details which are significant from our point of view were probably not of any consequence to them 1.They were not of any importance to the Jews either.There were no Jewish historians and writers, no correspondents, no travellers who carried the tales of the misfortunes of the Jews of the I;Iijaz when these tragic events were taking place.It is improbable and difficult, however, to believe that in the second and third centuries of Islam when Ibn Isl).aq and lbn Sa""d were collecting their material, the learned rabbis of the Gaonate and the Exilarchate of Babylon were unable to obtain the Jewish version of the events which had a profound influence on the life of the Jewish community of the l;Iijaz at the time of the Apostle.It is not normal with the Jews not to record their misfortunes.The Jews of Khaybar reported to be expelled by ""Umar were settled in Kufa, which was not very far from the Gaonate.2 They were the descendants of the B.al-Nac;lir and the children of the· B.Quray?'.ah; Jewish scholars could gather their material from them.Samuel Usque's book A Consolation for the Tribulations of Jsrael- Third Dialogue 3 is a sixteenth-century classic of Jewish martyrology.This "deft painter of Jewish suffering", who "caused the Jong procession of Jewish history to file past the tearful eyes of his contemporaries, in all its sublime glory and abysmal tragedy"4 reports neither the expulsion of the B.Qaynuqa"" and the B.al-Nac;lir nor the execution of the B.Quray?'.ah.Jewish history up to Geiger's time (1833) seems to be free of these stories.The Jews lost their dominant position in Yathrib and Khaybar because they could not adapt like the Quraysh of Mecca although the terms offered to them were different and far less stringent than those to the Quraysh and other pagan Arabs.1 See supra, pp.19 and 20 for examples.2 Graetz, Vol.III, p.85; Baron, Vol.III, p.89.3 Samuel Usque, A Consolation for the Tribulations of Israel-Third Dialogue, translated by Gershon I.Gelbart (New York, 1964).4 Ibid., p.16.24

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CHAPTER I THE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE HIJRAH By slow infiltration several Arab tribes drifted into Medina and its vicinity, and were hospitably received by the Jewish farmers.By the sixth century, these new arrivals, steadily reinforced from the south and unified under an able leader, Malik ibn Ajlan, eventually prevailed over their hosts.Nevertheless, Mohammed still found vigorous Jewish tribes in and around that centre of northern Arabia, possibly constituting the majority of the settled population.-SALO WITTMAYER BARON The beginnings of the Jewish settlements in the Arab peninsula are "buried in misty tradition".! There is no reliable historical evidence to establish the approximate date of their arrival.Tayma? was known to the Prophets and may be said to have been the first city in Arabia in which something like a Jewish community had existed in ancient biblical times.2 Seafaring Israelites and Jewish fugitives escaping from persecution by Nebuchadnezzar and later by the Romans, had, it seems, established their colonies in the Arabian peninsula.In southern Arabia (Yemen) they were scattered and "lived without social or political cohesion".3 Towards the beginning of the fifth century they had, however, established themselves by their industry and enterprising spirit.They obtained so great an influence over the Arab tribes of Yemen that one of the kings of J:Iimyar, DhU Nuwas, embraced Judaism and assumed the name of Yfisuf.4.l Graetz, Vol.III, p.54.2 Isaiah 21: 24, Jeremiah 25: 23 and Job 6 :19.3 Graetz, Vol.III, p.56.4 See Irfan Shahid, The Martyrs of Najriin: New Documents, (Bruxelles, 1971), pp.260-68 for his background and "the bewildering variety of names" which he adopted.25

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The Arab legends trace the first Jewish settlers in the I:Iijaz to the time of Moses who had ordered some of his followers to fight the Amalek, a people of Edomite stock and described by Rabbinic literature as "Israel's permanent arch-enemy".l According to Abl! al-Faraj al-I~bahani (284/897-356/967) these Jews were sent to destroy the Amalek in the I:Iijaz.But they failed to fulfil the commandment of total annihilation; they took pity on the handsome son of the Amalek king and took him back alive instead of killing him.As a punishment these Jews were banished and they settled in Yathrib, which they had earlier conquered.Among those who settled were the Jews of the B.Quray~ah, the B.al-Na<;lir and the B.Qaynuqa"-.2 Though there is nothing intrinsically wrong with this legend the historical evidence takes us only to the first century A.D.The tombstone inscrip- tions of a Shubeit "Yehudaya" erected in al-Hijr in 42 A.D.(or 45 B.c.) and that of one Simon in 307 (which incidentally is the latest Nabatean inscription yet discovered) are some of the few remnants of Arab-Jewish life in pre-Islamic Arabia.Werner Caskel, referring to these two inscriptions, considers the Jews to be the main.representa- tives of Nabatean culture in the I:Iijaz after 300 A.D.and declares : These are the beginnings of the Jewish population, which later occupied all the oases in the northwest including Medinah.3 Yathrib, an oasis on the caravan route running from north to south, rich in underground water supplies, springs and fountains, provided the Jews with a land where they could apply their farming experience.They planted it with palms, fruit trees and rice, and seem to have pioneered in introducing advanced methods of irrigation and cultiva- tion of the soil.They also developed new arts and crafts from metal work to dyeing and the production of fine jewellery, and taught the neighbouring tribes more advanced methods of exchanging goods and money.4 Though distinguished from the Arabs by their religion, these Jews became Arabicised to such an extent that their tribes adopted Arabic 1 "Amalek", The Encyclopedia of the Jewish Religion, 1965, pp.27-8.2 Abii al-Faraj al-l~bahani, Kitiib al-Aghiini (Cairo: Ministry of Culture and Education, n.d.), Vol.III, p.116.Ibid., (Beirut, 1960), Vol.XXII, pp.97-107.Al-Samhiidi, Vol.I, pp.154-165.a Werner Caskel, "The Bedouinization of Arabia", Studies in Islamic Cultural History, G.E.von Grunebaum, ed.(Wisconsin, 1954), p.43.4 Baron, Vol._111, p.70.26

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THE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE Hijrah names.Banii Za"iira seems to be the only exception."Jewish names such as "Adiya, Samau"al, Sara are comparatively rare".1 The proportion in which the Arab element was mixed with the Jews is difficult to determine, but probably purely Arab tribes had embraced Judaism.2 Graetz observes : Intermarriage between the two nations tended to heighten the similarity of their characters.Like the Himyarites, the Jews of southern Arabia app lied themselves more particularly to the trade between India, the Byzantine empire and Persia.The Jews of northern Arabia, on the contrary, led the life of Bedouins; they occupied themselves with agriculture, cattle breeding, transport of caravan traffic in weapons, and probably also the calling of robbers.3 Graetz' view that the Jews of northern Arabia did not take part in trade seems to be based on the silence of Jewish sources on the subject.But Yathrib was on the caravan route, and it is improbable that the rich Jews of the region with their agricultural produce, their jewellery and arms industry, and-above all-capital would not trade with Syria.Wolfenson has referred to the possibility of wide trading contacts between the Jews of Yathrib and the Christian tribes of Ghassiin, the Syrian auxiliaries of the Byzantine Empire.4 Shaban concurs with the view and observes : In the light of close connections between the Medinan Jews and other Jewish communities in Arabia it is not unreasonable to suggest that a Jewish trade network existed there at.the time.5 He further points out that These connections extended as far north as with Adhraciit in Syria, and at least as far as Najriin in the south.6 The Jews of Arabia, as Graetz observes, enjoyed complete liberty.They concluded offensive and defensive alliances and carried on feuds.1 Horovitz, Islamic Culture, Vol.III (1929), p.187.2 Ibn Wii<;lih al-Ya"'qubi, Ta'rikh, ed.by M.Th.Houtsma {Leiden, 1883), Vol.I, pp.49-52.3 Graetz, Vol.III, p.57.4 Wolfenson, Ta'rikh al-Yahildfl Biliid al-"' Arab, p.60.0 M.A.Shaban, Islamic History A.D.600-750 (A.H.132) : A New Interpretation {Cambridge, 1971), p.10.6 [bid.27

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Here they were not shut out from the paths of honour, nor excluded from the privileges of the state, but, untrammelled, were allowed to develop their powers in the midst of a free, sim pie and ta Ien ted people, to show their manly courage, to compete for the gifts of fame, and with practised hand to measure swords with their antagonists.Instead of bearing the yoke, the Jews were not infrequently the leaders of the Arabian tribe s.1 The Jews of the I:Iijaz, unlike other Jewish communities, did not seem to interest themselves in literary or scholarly pursuits.The authenticity of their poetical remains has been questioned by Margoliouth and others.2 Al-Samaw?al is but a legend and KaGb b.al-Ashraf was the son of an Arab, though "he behaved as if he belonged to his mother's clan of al-Nac}ir".3 Baron admits: Arabian Jewry's intellectual equipment seem to have been limited to some scrolls of law, Hebrew prayer books, and other paraphernalia of worship and study, while the availability at that time of more than fragmentary Arabic translations from Scripture is extremely dubious.4 The knowledge of the Bible which the Arabian Jews possessed, according to Graetz,...was not considerable.They were acquainted with it only through the medium of the Agadic exegesis, which had become familiar to them in their travels or had been brought to them by immigrants.For them the glorious history of the past coalesced so completely with the Agadic additions that they were no longer able to separate the gold from the dross.5 They maintained trade contacts with the Jews of Syria 6 and religious ties with Babylon 7 , "but they had few intellectual contacts with the centres of Jewish life" in these two places.8 In the absence of any historical evidence it is difficult to agree with the romantic claim of Baron that during the few generations of Jewish control the focal northern areas were raised 1 Graetz, Vol.III, p.53.2 See D.S.Margoliouth, The Relations between Arabs and Israelites Prior to the Rise of ls/am (London, 1924) and Horovitz, Islamic Culture, III, pp.188-90.3 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.210.4 Baron, Vol.III, p.261.Graetz, Vol.Ill, p.59.Ibid., pp.58-59, and supra, p.27.7 Infra, p.30.8 Baron, Vol.III, p.72.

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THE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE H ijrah almost to the high level of the southern civilization, wh ic h had long earned for Himyar and its vicinity the Roman designation of Arabia Fe/ix.1 In fact the Jews of Arabia "contributed little or nothing to the religious and cultural development of post-biblical Judaism".2 As M argoliouth points out they do not "appear to have produced any man whose name was worth preserving".3 More than twenty Jewish tribes were settled in Medina.4 Prominent among these were the Banii Qurayi ah, the Banii al-Nac)ir, the Banii Qaynuqa c., the Banu Tha"labah and the Ba nu Ha d!.The Banu al-Na<;lir and the Banu Quranah claimed to be the descendants of Jewish priests, 'al-Kiihiniin', Kiihin being the Arabic rendering of Hebrew Kohen.Al-Ya "- qubi, who does not give the source of his information, however, sa ys : The Bann al-Na<;lir were a subtribe of the Bann Judham , who embraced Judaism.The Bann Qurayiah were brothers o.the Bann al-Na<;lir and it is said that they embraced Judaism in the days of ""Adiyah the son of Samau"al.5 According to Al-Ya"qubi, the Banii al-Nac)ir and the Banii Quran.ah had taken their names after the hills on which they first settled.Margoliouth does not consider them Jews, and is inclined "to regard the term of Judaism applied to these Medinese tribes as indicating some form of monotheism" 6.Reissner also does not consider them 'Jews'.He says : Less than a hundred years prior to Muhammad's birth, the Talmud had been com- pleted in Babylon.At that time, there was complete agreement, intrn m11ros et extra, as to who was a Jew and what constituted the essence of Judaism.A Jew was a follower of the Mosaic Law as interpreted by the teachers of the Law in accordance with principles laid down in the Talmud...whoever did not conform...was discounted.Jf he was Jsraelitic by descent, he could not be deprived of his birthright, viz, to be called Ben Israel, as in Arabia...7 Friedlaender does not agree with Graetz and Reissner.Working on 1 Baron, Vol.Ill , p.71.2 Francesco Gabrieli, Muhammad, p.42.3 Margoliouth, Relations, p.71.4 Al-Samhndi, p.165.s Al-Ya"qnbi, pp.49-52.6 Margoliouth, Relations, p.71.7 H.G.Reissner, 'The Ummi Prophet and the Banu lsrail'', The Muslim World, Vol.XXXIX (1949), p.278, cf.S.D.Goitein, "Bann Jsrii"il", Encyclopaedia of Islam (2), Vol.J, para.2 of p.1022.29

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MUHAMMAD ANO THE JEWS Gaonate documents he established the contact of Arab Jews with the Gaonate in Babylon.He observes : It is characteristic of the central position of the Gaonate in Jewish life that even in its last representatives it was able to exert its influence over the distant half-mythical Jews in free Arabia and shape their professional and civil life.It shows at the same time that the Arabian Jews, however far removed from the centre of Jewish learning, recognized the authority of the Talmud and were not in any way guilty of those anti-Talmudic sentiments which Graetz is prone to ascribe to their fore- fathers.1 The Banii Quran;ah and the Banii al-Na~iir called themselves Kahiniin and so presumably claimed to be of the house of Aaron.2 The Banii Qaynuqiic.-who practised crafts such as that of the goldsmith- manufactured arms and conducted a market and were possibly "north Arab, Idumaean or such like"3.They possessed no agricultural lands, but had a compact settlement in the suburbs of Medina.4 The Banii Qurayiah and the Banii al-Nac;lir were the owners of some of the richest lands towards the south of Medina on higher ground.Other Jewish clans were dispersed.In total the Jewish clans of Medina owned almost sixty afam.5 These afiim, (singular, ufum) which formed a prominent feature of Yathrib, were in fact forts stocked with provisions, provided with water, strong enough to withstand attacks and big enough to stand long sieges.There were schools and syna- gogues and council halls.The second most important settlement of the Jews was Khay bar.Approximately ninety miles from Yathrib, it is located on a very high mountainous plateau entirely composed of lava deposits and covered by malarial swamps.The valleys, though uninhabitable, are very fertile.The Jews cultivated grapes, vegetables and grain, and raised sheep, cattle, camels, horses and donkeys.They also had palm groves.They traded with Syria and benefited from the caravan trade between Arabia, Syria and Iraq.They also manufactured metal implements such as battering rams and catapults.6 They owned several groups 1 Israel Friedlaender, "The Jews of Arabia and the Gaonate", The Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol.I, 1910-11, p.252.2 De Lacy O'Leary, Arabia Before Muhammad (London, 1927), p.173.See the Apostle's reference to his Jewish wife :;>afiyah's ancestry going back to Aaron, Tirmidhi (Lahore, 1963), Vol.II, p.727, cf.al-Yac.qlibi, supra p.27.3 O;Leary, p.173.4 Saleh Ahmad AI-Ali, "Studies in the Topography of Medina",Is/amic Culture, Vol.XXXV, No.2, April 1961, pp.71-72.5 Al-Samhiidi, I, p.116.6 Joseph Braslavi, "Khaibar", Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol.X, Column 942.30

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tHE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE Hijrah ;,-- - ----.......,- \ f AL -NA ) JAR rfij \ \ I ' ' / B.ZURAY~,.,;" Medina in the First Year of the Hijrnh 31.-1:: 2 Km.

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of forts, many built on the tops of hills in virtually impregnable positions.According to al-YaGqiibi twenty thousand fighters lived in these forts.1 Fadak, Wadi al-Qura and Tayrna' were the other three Jewish strongholds.Torrey's thesis that there were Jews in Mecca at the time of the Apostle 2 is, however, without foundation.Al-Azraqi makes no mention of any Jewish settlement in Mecca, but refers to their reverence for KaGbah; they took their shoes off when they reached the boundaries of the sanctuary.a As Lammens remarks, the fact that the Quraysh sent a delegation to Medina to consult the Jews regarding the Apostle's claims proves there were no Jews in Mecca whom they could consult.4 When Banii Qaylah arrived in Yathrib from the south, they were presumably allowed by the Jews to settle on those lands in and around Yathrib which had not yet been brought under cultivation.Divided into the Aws and the Khazraj and further sub-divided into clans they accepted the dominant position of the Jews and entered into a relation- ship with them which was that of jiwiir (neighbour) or bi// (con- federation).f;Iilf is a compact between quite separate tribes, general in scope, made for the object of establishing a permanent state of peace between the tribes.It did not diminish their autonomy, but united them for purposes of common defence, for mutual payment of settlements to third parties, for vengeance, and for the common use of pasturage.5 Towards the middle of the sixth century the situation changed, largely owing to Malik b.al-G Ajlan's revolt against the Jewish prince al-Fityawn of the Zubra tribe who as a mark of Khazraj subordination exercised the }us primae noctis with a bride from that tribe.6 Malik 1 Al-Ya'qubi (Beirut, 1960), II, p.56.2 Charles Cutler Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, second and third lectures, pp.28-104.3 Mul.iammad b.cAbd Allah b.Al.imad al-Azraqi, Akhbiir Makkah (Mecca, 1965), Vol.II, p.131.1 H.Lammens, L'Arabie occidentale avant L 'H egire (Beyrouth, 1928), p.51.5 W.Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia (First published in 1903, Boston, n.d.), pp.53-57, E.Tyan; " l;I ilf", Encyclopaedia of Islam (2), Vol.III, pp.388-89.6 Al-Samhudi, Vol.I, p.178.F.Krenkow (EI[l], Vol.II, p.938) read the name of the Jewish prince as al-Qaytun and considered it as fictitious since it is ori- ginally Greek.Al-Samhiidi, however, has clearly stated that the name begins with "fl".Watt (Muhammad at Medina, p.193), who has not given his source, also gives the name as Fityawn and says he belonged to the B.Tha'labah.,, 32

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le :d er ie _o :e !S.h 's 4 ·e d d y l· l· ti 1f 1t ·f e e THE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE Hijrah b.al-"'Ajlan belonged to the Khazraj, but both the Aws and the Khazraj bowed to his leadership.Malik became independent and it is probable that with him nearly all the Khazraj and most of the Aws freed _themselves from the 'Jewish' over-lordship.1 Ibn Khurradadhbih (d.309/911) reports that the Marzubiin a!-biidiyah appointed an "'iimil over Medina who collected taxes.The B.Quray?:ah and the B.al-Na<;lir, the report continues, were kings who were appointed to collect these taxes from the Aws and the Khazraj.2 Yaqiit (d.626/1229) also reports that the B.Quranah and the B.al-Na<;lir were the kings driven out by the A ws and the Khazraj, who had formerly paid tax to the Jews.3 Altheim and Stiehl consider lbn Khurradadbbih's report sound, and observe that such a situation could endure as long as the Jewish tribes dominated the Aws and the Khazraj, till the middle of the sixth century.4 It is probably safer to assume that the Jews of Medina had Jost their position as a dominant group sometime before the birth of the Apostle.Various developments after the middle of the sixth century tended to weaken the Jewish community of Yathrib.The fact that before the battle of Bu"ath, the Ban ii al-Na<;lir and Banii Quray?:ah had given hostages to the Khazraj suggests that they were fully conscious of their weakness.But at the battle of Bu"'ath both the tribes helped the Aws against the Khazraj even at the cost of the lives of some of their hostages.This help made it possible for the Aws to gain victory at Bu"'ath, which was fought a few years before the Hijrah.5 By the first quarter of the seventh century the Ban ii Qaylah were, probably, on the way to becoming a dominant group in Yatbrib.Yathrib at this time was not much of a city.It was a disorganised collection of hamlets and houses, farms and fortified huts scattered over an oasis, rich in underground water supplies and springs and fountains.Though the Aws seemed to have the upper hand, relations between the different groups bad reached a very low ebb.They were divided, and unimportant quarrels assumed dangerous proportions.1 Al-Samhiidi, Vol.I, pp.177-98.See also Watt, Muhammad at Medina, pp.192-95.2 lbn Khurradadhbih, Kitab a/-Masalik wa al-Mamalik, ed.by de Goeje (Leiden, 1889), p.128.3 Yaqiit, Mu"'jam al-Buldan, ed.by F.Wiistenfeld (6 Vols., Leipzig, 1866-1873), Vol.IV, p.460.4 F.Altheim and R.Stiehl, Finanzgeschichte der Spiitantike (Frankfurt am Main, 1957), p.149.n.63.5 lbn Hishiim, pp.372-73; Al-Agluini, Vol.XVII, pp.68-75.33

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The balance established by the battle of Buc.iith was tenuous and there was every danger that war might break out again.It was in this atmosphere of chaos, suspicion and lawlessness that the Aws and the Khazraj tried to unite under e Abd Alliih b.Ubayy b.Salul al-"'Awfi of the clan of the Banii al-I:IublaJ For the Jews, however, Yathrib had become the centre of a region which Lammens calls a petite patrie ruled by Talmudic Law.2 Compact and flourishing Jewish communities occupied Fadak, Wadi al-Qura, Tayma" and Khaybar.An examination of both the Arab sources and the results of modern research indicates that the Jews of Arabia were not an isolated people.Irfan Shahid, who is the latest among the scholars who have worked on this period, considers that the relations of the Yathrib Jews with Yusuf Dhii Nuwas "must have been very close indeed".3 They had incited him to make war against Najriin.4 The ruler of I;Urah Mundhir III (505-553) had a contingent of Jews in his army and his son Mundhir IV (580-583) married a Jewess, Salmah bint al-Sa"igh, the mother of the last of the Lakhmids, the famous Nuc.man ins (592-604).This was the state of affairs when Islam brought the hope of a new way of life to the quarrelling sons of the Banii Qaylah.Six men of the Khazraj were the first definite converts, who went to Mecca most probably in 620.A year later, five of them returned with four others from the Khazraj and three from the Aws.They pledged themselves solemnly to the Apostle.In June 622 seventy-three men and two women went to Mecca for pilgrimage and on that occasion secretly by night took the pledge not only to obey the Apostle but to fight for him.Kaeb b.Malik, who was present on this occasion has described the significance of that pledge in simple words : The Apostle spoke and recited the Qur•an and invited men to Allah and commended Islam and then said: 'I invite your allegiance on the basis that you protect me as you protect your women and children'.Al-Bara• took his hand and said 'By Him Who sent you with the truth we shall protect you as we protect our women.We give our allegiance and we are men of war possessing arms which have been passed on from father to son'.While Al-Bara• was speaking Abu al-Haytham 1 Ibn Hisham, p.411.2 H.Lammens, p.53.3 Irfan Shahid, The Martyrs of Najr[m, p.268.4 I;Iamzah al-I~fahii.ni , Ta 0 rikh, p.113, cited by Irfan Shahid, p.268.5 Jal;ii?, Kitiib al-Qayawiin, IV, p.377, cited by Irfan Shahid, p.272.34

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1d m NS ul )n 1.2.di of ~d 10 ib '3 of 1y nt us of ix ~a ur :d :n m ut m ed as im 'Ve ed 1m THE JEWS OF ARABIA ON THE EVE OF THE Hijrah b.al-Tayyihan interrupted him and said, 'O Apostle, we have ties with other men (meaning the Jews), and if we sever them perhaps when we have done that and Allah will have given you victory, you will return to your people and leave us '.The Apostle smiled and said; 'No, your blood is my blood and what is sacred to you is sacred to me.I will fight against them that fight against you and be at peace with those who are at peace with you.l The precise nature of the Apostle's agreement with the Muslims of Medina before he left Mecca is not clear.But two things wollld seem to be certain, some pledge of war must have been involved, and the Jews of Medina were not a party to any agreement before the Hijrah.It is not known exactly what the terms of that pledge were.Before leaving Medina to meet the Quraysh at Badr the Apostle asked for advice.He said 'Give me advice, 0 Men! Ibn Isbilq says by this he meant the An~iir.This is because they were in the majority, and because when they took the oath of fealty at al-..Aqabah they stipulated that they were not responsible for his safety until he entered their territory, and that when he was there they would protect him as they did their wives and children.So the Apostle was afraid that the AnJiir would not feel it incumbent upon them to go with him against an enemy outside their territory.When he spoke these words Sa..d b.Mu..adh said, 'Perhaps you refer to us', and when the Apostle said 'Yes', Sa..d replied, 'We believe in you, we declare your truth, and we witness that what you have brought is the truth, and we have given you our word and agreement to hear and obey.We now stand by you, whatever you ask us to do.2 The Battle of Badr took place towards the later part of the second year of the Hijrah.It is, therefore, significant to note that neither the Apostle nor Sa"d b.Mu"iidh even obliquely refer to the document called the Sal:zifah.Had it been signed immediately after the arrival of the Apostle in Medina or even during the first two years of his stay, a reference would not have been made to a penultimate and obviously obsolete agreement reached at al-"Aqabah.As regards the Jews, our sources are contradictory and vague.It is not at all clear if there was a formal agreement with the Jews at all.Ibn Isbilq reports that, when the Apostle reminded the Jews of the condition imposed on them, the Jews-probably the B.al-Na<;lir-- said, "No covenant was ever made with us about Muhammad" 3.This incident is reported before the B.Qaynuqa<- came into conflict 1 Ibn Hisham, pp.296-97.2 Ibid., pp.434-35.3 Ibid., p.379.35

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with the Muslims.Since there is no definite information about any agreement with the Jews, the relationship between the Muslims and the Jews in Medina rested on some sort of status quo.To be more precise, it seemed to be an uneasy truce which lasted till the !)abifah was signed.Historians dealing with the pre-Islamic alliances among the tribes might reasonably ask ifthe Jews of Medina became an unwitting victim of clannish jealousies or complexities of inter-tribal alliances.As our examination of the incidents shows, such alliances played no part in the Jewish-Muslim conflict.The Jewish trust in the muniifiqun, however, played a far more important role in their misfortunes1.From the very first executions of Abu "Afak of the B.c Amr b."Awf and "A~mii., bint Marwiin of Umayyah b.Zayd, the Apostle had taken care to emphasise that Islam had terminated tribal alliances.It would not be correct to conclude that tribal affiliations did not play an important role in the Arab dealings with the Apostle, but they had no part-or no significant part-in the steep decline of the Jewish influence in the I;Iijiiz during the first ten years of their encounter with Islam.1 See infra, Chapter III.While the B.al-Nac:lir were ready to comply with the terms offered by the Apostle it was ,.Abd Allah b.Ubayy and others who asked them to resist the Apostle.36

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CHAPTER Tl THE PEOPLE OF THE $AlffFAH...the concept of the ummah as a political confederation of tribes and clans, including non-Muslims, Jewish ones, had inevitably to yield to Muhammad's original under- standing of a body whose foundation may be ethnic but whose reason for being is shaped by the divine purpose of salvation.The Jews were such an ummah, and in Medina they were more than just a historical and literary illustration of a theological point; they were a political reality.-F.E.PETERS Yathrib, as we have seen in the previous chapter, presented a picture of political chaos at the time of the Apostle's arrival.Though no formal peace was made after the Battle of Bu"'iith (about 615 A.D.), the feuding clans and their allies were too exhausted to continue an active struggle.In this uneasy state of political vacuum the Jews enjoyed a position of considerable influence."'Amr b.al-Nu"'man and al-I:Iu<;layr b.Simiik, who died in the battle ofBueiith, did not have the qualities of leaders who could unite a people in the existing state of affairs in Yathrib, which to ~say the least "was intolerable".1 But "there were opportunities for a strong man to gain control over a large section of Medina, perhaps, even over the whole".2 "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy, as we have seen earlier, seemed to be a man of wider vision.If the Apostle had not arrived at Medina, he might have provided that leadership which Medina so badly needed.The situation not only offered a challenge to the Apostle, but also several solutions.He could have worked for a full political integration on the basis of religion, which the ruling Zeitgeist seemed to have demanded.This would have meant the exclusion of the Jews, 1 Watt, Muhammad al Medina, p.173.2 Ibid.37

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assigning them a subordinate status with no participation in the life of the Muslim society.· He could have united the An$iir and the Muhiijiriln, who had accepted him as their religious leader into one political group.But it seems at this stage he decided against such a grouping and tried to establish a security-community in which there could be reasonable assurance that its members would not fight each other physically but would settle their disputes by peaceful means.The Apostle's attempts fo create such a community culminated in a document which is called the $a/;ifa!z.l An examination of this document, which was signed in Yathrib between the Muslims from the Quraysh, the various clans of the An$iir and the Jews, shows that it was based on a liberal conception of the rule of law with two simple principles: the safeguarding of individual rights by impartial judicial authority, 2 and the principle of equality before the law.3 The Arabs of the Jiihiliyah had practically nothing that can be described as positive law.It is common knowledge and therefore needs hardly any proof that the modern sanction of the law, i.e., a fine or imprisonment for the offender, did not exist.No society is, how- ever, absolutely lawless and the Arab tribes maintained security by the solidarity of the tribal group.If a member of the group was killed, other members of the group avenged him; if a member of the group was in danger, he was supported by other members of the tribe irres- pective of the tight or wrong of the matter in dispute.The working of the lex talionis was, however, modified by the acceptance of weregeld as an alternative.But the system could work only by the solidarity and strength of the kinship group, and by a swift and effective way of settling disputes and paying weregeld.Thus the lex talionis restrained wanton killing and became an important feature of pre- Islamic Arab society.The $a/;ifah sought to provide the basis of positive law.The object of the document was limited to the resolution of conflict without violence.The community thus created is called the ummah.The ummah, is specifically a Qur.,anic term.It occurs nine times in the Meccan and forty-seven times in the Medinan silrahs.It describes the totality of individuals bound to one another, irrespective of their 1 See below for further discussion of the document.2 Article 23 of the $a/;ifah, see below.3 Articles 26-35 of the $al;i[ah, see below.38.,

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THE PEOPLE OF THE Sabifah colour, race or social status, by the doctrine of submission to one God.According to Montgomery Watt, it is "the community formed by those who accept the messenger and his message".1 Rudi Paret has also reached a similar conclusion and says the word "always refers to ethical, linguistic or religious bodies of people who are the objects of the divine plan of salvation".2 While the orientalists differ as regards the development of the term in the Qur""iin, some Muslim scholars assert that the term ummah describes the community of Muslims,3 but this is only partly true.It describes the de facto position.In theory the use of the term ummah during the major portion of the Apostle's career was not restricted to Muslims alone.The main difficulty in dealing with the history of ideas is that terms are more permanent than their definitions.While institutions continually change, the terms describing them remain unaltered.A precise and comprehensive definition of the ummah is, however, not required for our purpose.The term ummah, therefore, within the context of our discussion is restricted to the sense in which it has been used in the $af:zifah i.e.'the people of the Saf:zifah.' The Saf:zifah signed by the Muslims and the Jews, and erroneously called 'The Constitution of Medina', is a very important document for the understanding of the status of non-Muslims in a Muslim-dominated society.Scholars of all schools of thought, such as Watt, Serjeant and Hamidullah,4 agree that the document is "unquestionably authentic".5 No later falsifier writing under the Umayyads or Abbasids, would have included non-Muslims in the ummah, would have retained the articles against the Quraysh, and would have given Mul;iammad so insignificant a place.6 Most of the modern scholars dispute the date and unity of the document and there is no clear indication as to the number of agree- ments which constitute it.Various dates for signing these documents can only be assigned after some reasonable method is found to separate 1 W.Montgomery Watt, 'Ideal Factors in the Origin oflslam' The Islamic Quarterly, II, No.3 (October 1955), pp.161-174.See also his book, Islamic Political Thought (Edinburgh, 1968), pp.9-14.2 Article 'Ummah'.in Encyclopaedia of Islam, First Edition.3 Abu! Ac.la Maudiidi, Islamic Way of Life (Delhi, 1967), p.17.4 Muhammad Hamidullah, The First Written Constitution in the World, (Lahore, 1968), pp.38-40.5 R.B.Serjeant, "The Constitution of Medina", The Islamic Quarterly, VIII (January-June 1964), p.3.6 Watt, Muhammad at Med ina, p.225.39

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the individual agreements.There are, however, certain clear indica- tions as to the possible dates, which are significant in determining the character of the ummah.Ibn Isl).aq assigns it to the first year of the Hijrah.But textual comparison of the chronological material in the Sirah shows that the various biographers differ even on the dating of important events.1 The $abifah itself, however, provides indications of its approximate date, which, even though obvious, have been ignored by historians.Firstly, there is no mention of the B.Qaynuqii", the B.al-Na9ir and the B.Quray~ah in the $abifah.While most of the Muslim historians have not paid any attention to the omission of these three important Jewish clans from the $abifah, some orientalists have tried to explain it away by remarking that the Apostle "grouped the Jews according to the Arab clans in whose districts they lived''.2 This explanation is obviously not convincing.The Jews of the Banu "Awf, the Banu al-Najjar, the Banu al-J:liirith, the Banu Sa"idah, the Banu Jusham, the Banu Tha"labah and even a subdivision of the Banu Tha"labah, Jafnah, were all confederates of the Khazraj and have been mentioned as such.If this formula was sufficient to cover the Banu Qaynuqa" who were the allies of the Khazraj, then the name of their patrons Ba"l-I;Iublii or B.Salim should have been mentioned.As Wellhausen observes, unless the Jews of the Banu al-Aws and Tha"labah are the B.al-Na9ir and the B.Quray~ah, these two tribes did not enter into any agreement with Muhammad at the beginning, A.H.2.3 But the B.al-Na9ir and the B.Quray~h were not the mawiili of al-Aws.Their relationship was that of alliance and not of patronage 4.The simple explanation is that the document was signed after the expulsion of the B.Quray~ah.Montgomery Watt finds difficulty in this explanation because the $a/:tifah pays that much attention "to Jewish affairs at a time when there were few Jews in Medina".5 The assumption, however, is not supported by facts.After the two Jewish clans, the B.al-Na9ir and the B.Quray~ah, were expelled from Medina the following Jewish tribes still remained there : 1 Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, Vol.I, p.466; J.M.B.Jones, 'The Chronology of the Maghazl-a Textual Survey', The Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol.XIX (1957), pp.245-280.2 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.226.3 J.Wellhausen, Skizzen u.Vorarbeiten (Berlin, 1889) 4.Heft, p.75.4 Supra, Chapter I, p.60.0 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.227.40·

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THE PEOPLE OF THE Sahifah I.The Jews ofBanii ""Awf, 2.The Jews of Banii al-Najjar, 3.The Jews of Banii Sii""idah, 4.The Jews of Ban ii Jusham, 5.The Jews of Banii al-Aws, 6.The Jews ofBanii Tha"labah, 7.Banii al-Shutaybah, 8.The Jews of Ban ii Zurayq, 9.The Jews of B.I:Hirithah, 10.The Banii Qaynuqa<-.1 The names of the first seven Jewish tribes are given in the $al;zifah; the names of the B.Zurayq and the B.I:Iarithah are given by Ibn Isl,laq in the list of the Jewish opponents of the Apostle.2 Our sources do not indicate that there was any general exodus of the Jews during the Apostle's life.Watt rightly concludes that "the document in its final form was intended as a charter for the Jews remaining in Medina".3 Though the remaining Jews of Medina had lost their "news-value" for the Muslim historian, there are references to their presence in Medina after the expulsion of the B.al-Na<;iir and the B.Quray+ah.Ibn Saed reports that the Apostle's expedition to Khaybar was very painful to the Jews · who remained in Medina.4 The Jews were even politically active and continued to offer opposition to the Apostle.When the Apostle ordered the Muslims to prepare for an expedition against the Byzantines (9/630)at Tabiik the disaffected and the waverers assembled in the house of a Jew, Suwaylim, making plans to encourage disaffection.Suwaylim was not punished personally but the Apostle ordered Tall,lah b.cubayd Allah to burn his house to the ground.5 The presence of the Jews in Medina after the expulsion of their three clans seems to be supported by the Qur?iin as well.There is general consensus that Al-Mi['idah is the last surah which was revealed to the Apostle."A~ma"', daughter of Yazid reported that the whole of this surah was revealed together.6 There are other reports also to 1 As we shall see in the next chapter, the evidence seems to indicate that the B.Qaynuqa<- were not expelled during the Apostle's lifetime.2 Ibn Hishii.rn, p.351.3 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.227.4 Ibn Saed, Vol.II, p.106.5 Ibn Hisham, p.858.6 Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir al-Qur~.:in al-..A:;im, (Cairo, n.d.), Vol.II, p.2.41

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the same effect.Noldeke, while accepting it as the last revelation-- l 14th, has placed some of the verses between 2/623 and 7/628.Verses 45-55, however, have been placed after "the massacre of Bani Quraidha" and prior to the expedition against the Jews of Khaybar in A.H.7" by Noldeke, and Wherry concurs with the view.1 Verses 46 and 47 say : Should they (the Jews) come to thee seeking judgment in a dispute, either judge between them or leave them.If thou keepest away from them, they shall not harm thee at all.But if thou undertake to judge, then judge between them with equity.Surely Allah loves the just.And how will they make thee their judge, when they have the Torah containing Allah's commandments? Yet, they turn their backs, and they certainly do not believe.A reference to the Jews seeking the Apostle's judgment in their disputes would be pointless if there were no Jews in Medina.Since the verses were revealed prior to the expedition to Khaybar, the Jews of Khaybar, Fadak and the neighbouring regions were not expected to bring their disputes to the Apostle.No demographic data of the population of Yathrib at the time of the Hijrah is available to us, so it is not possible to give any exact figures for the Jewish population of Medina during the lifetime of the Apostle.However some definite figures have been provided by Ibn · lsi,liiq and other biographers, which give an approximate idea of the Jewish strength.The B.Qaynuqi{· provided 700 men to protect "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy 2 and 600 to 900 fighting men of the B.Quray+ah are reported to have been executed after the battle of the Abziib.3 The B.al-Nagir occupied a position of prestige in Medina and were the rivals of the B.Quray+ah.The number of their male members is not given but, when they left Medina nine hundred camels were loaded with their belongings.One may reasonably conclude that they were not smaller in number than the B.Qaynuqa"' and the B.Quray+ah.This gives us a conservative estimate of three thousand male members for the three tribes which clashed with the Apostle.When the B.Qaynuqa"' provided 700 men to protect "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy they probably did not give all their men.If the other nine Jewish tribes 1 W.Montgomery Watt, Bell's· Introduction to the Qur'iin (Edinburgh, 1970), p.207; Rev.E.M.Wherry, A Comprehensive Commentary on the Qura11 (London, 1896), Vol.II, p.119.2 Ibn Hisham, p.546.3 Ibid., p.690.42

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THE PEOPLE OF THE $a1Jifalz were even half of these three, although there is no such indication in our sources, the total male population of the Medinan Jews was six thousand.At the time of the Apostle, as Smith has pointed out, only patronymic tribes were possible.l The Jews with their consan- guinal families comprising six to seven dependent members, therefore, formed a population of 36,000 to 42,000.After the expulsion of the B.al-Nagir and the reported execution of the B.Qurayzah twelve to fourteen thousand Jews left Medina, which leaves the number of Jews in Medina at the signing of the $abifah between 24,000 to 28,000.2 This is not a small number and did require the Apostle's attention.The second pointer to the probable date of the $abifah is the declaration of Yathrib as J;aram.As Gil points out "the J;aram clause is one of the identifying points which oral tradition has preserved in reference to the document kept in the sheath of DhfJ'lfaqiir".3 The treatment of a territory as sacred presupposes either a strong tradition and unbroken custom, as was the case with Mecca, or the military strength to enforce and protect that sacredness from external threat and internal strife".In the first years of the Hijrah, specially up to the Battle of the Abziib (A.H.5), the Apostle and his followers were not secure, and were certainly not sure if they could successfully protect the town.The peace within Medina, as we shall see, was not secure either.The B.Qaynuqii" tried to provoke at least one if not two riots.The B.al-Na<,iir were in touch with the Meccans and the B.Quray?ah's attitude during the battle of the Al;ziib was a source of great anxiety to the defenders of Medina.An open conflict between the Muhiijiriin and An~iir after the battle of B.al-Mu$taliq was averted by the Apostle with considerable restraint.It was on this occasion that "Abd Allah b.Ubayy had said, "By Allah when we return to Medina the stronger will drive out the weaker".4 During the battle of Badr (2/624) the Apostle could muster 313 fighters.This was hardly the strength with which approximately more than 36,000 Jews and a large number of muniifiqiin could be forced to respect the J;aram obligations..The 1 W.Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia; p.40: 2 Encyclopaedia Judaica, Vol.XI, Col.1212 puts the number of Jews in Medina between 8,000 to 10,000, which is an understatement and not supported by our sources.3 Moshe Gil, "The constitution of Medina: a reconsideration", Israel Oriental Studies (Tel Aviv, 1974), Vol.IV, p.57.4 Ibn Hisham, p.726.The Qur'an, Al-Muniifiqun, 8.43

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Apostle did not take hasty decisions, specially those which he could not execute.It would be wiser to wait till the situation was stabilized.Though the battle of the Abziib was a defensive war and the Muslims had gained a victory on the home ground, yet they were not secure enough to declare Yathrib a baram.It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude that Yathrib was declared a baram after the affair of the B.Quray:?ah, which in fact was a continuation of the battle of the A/.zziib.It was at about the same time that the muniifiqiln had been brought under control.The Apostle was strong enough to administer a public reprimand to them after the affair of the B.al-Mu~taliq.The Surat al-Muniifiqiln was revealed in 6/627.1 Al-Samhiidi, who has dealt with the date, the boundary and the prohibitions within the baram territory in detail, placed the creation of this baram according to If adith after the Apostle's return from Khay bar in 7/628.2 Serjeant refers to al-Samhiidi and admits that he should have been "inclined to suggest that the declaration of the baram could have taken place some time after the failure of the Prophet's enemies to take Medina at the battle of al-Khandaq at the earliest, and what more suitable occasion could there be for declaring Medina a sacred enclave than when it had just manifested its holiness by repelling the invader?" 3 However, for "many strong reasons, into which I cannot enter here"4 Serjeant falls in line with other historians.One can detect Serjeant's reasons and one of them seems to be the same difficulty which Montgomery Watt faces.He goes on to say that "surprisingly enough, this document opens with clauses in which the Jews are spoken of as paying nafaqah along with the Muslims".5 Historians, both Muslims and non-Muslims, seem to have assumed without any critical examination that after the departure of the B.al-Nac;lir and probably the B.Quranah Medina was bereft of its Jewish population.In fact, a closer examination of the Sabifah indicates that the clauses pertaining to the Jews were incorporated after the B.al-Nac;lir and some of the B.Quray?:ah had been expelled from Medina for their 'treachery'.On his arrival in Yathrib the Apostle had not expected treachery from the Jews, though he did not expect whole-hearted 1 Rev.E.M.Wherry, A Comprehensive Comm en tary on the Quran, Vol.IV, p.147.Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Vol.IV, p.369-70.2 Serjeant, "The Constitution of Medina", p.9.3 Ibid., p.10.4 Ibid.s Ibid.

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THE PEOPLE OF THE $al;ifah support and help either.The Jews, too, in the first year of the Hijrah, the year normally assigned to the signing of the $abifah, bad done nothing to arouse among the Muslims fear of deceit and duplicity on their part.In pre-Islamic Arab.ia the Jews did not have an unfavourable image.They were known for their skill in professions, for their mastery of the art of writing and their steadfastness.1 Above aU they were known for their nobility; they did not break their word.Al-Samaw"al's loyalty to his friend Imru "al-Qays was proverbial throughout Arabia.2 There were Jews like Qays b.Macdikarib, who bad committed acts of treachery, but that was not part of their reputation.Poets talked of al-Samaw"al's fidelity and bospitality.3 It is, therefore, curious that the word 'treacbery' 4 should have been used in eight articles in the $abifah.Except for Article 40, all the seven articles 5 in which the word is used pertain to the Jews.The logical conclusion would seem to be that the Muslims became wiser after the events, and, having experienced treachery from the B.al-Nac;!ir and the B.Quray:ph, they wished to make clear that treachery would automa- tically cancel all covenants and agreements.The Apostle seemed to be disinclined to suffer the unpleasantness of rejecting intercessions on behalf of the defaulting Jews from the Aws or from the Khazraj.While we agree with the views expressed both by Sergeant6 and Watt 7 that there is much that is bound to remain conjectural and obscure in the existing text of the $abifah, we may be nearer to the facts if the history of the $abifah is reconstructed in the following manner.1.The first twenty-three articles form part of the original agree- ment between the Apostle and the An~iir at al-cAqabab or shortly after the Hijrah.B 1 Ilse Lichtenstadter, "Some References to Jews in Pre-Islamic Arabic Literature",.fraceedi11gs af the American Academy far Jewish Research, Vol.X (1940), pp.185-194.2 The sceptical view taken by D.S.Margoliouth in The Relations between Arabs and Israelites prior to the Rise of Islam, pp.76-81, in regard to the genuineness of AJ-Samaw'al's verses does not affect his reputation.a Ilse Lichtenstadter, pp.185-194.• ~I.The numbering of the articles follows Watt, Muhammad at M edina, pp.221-225.6 Articles 25, 31, 33, 37, 39, 46 and 47.6 Sergeant, "The Constitution of Medina", p.4.7 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.228.8 Ibn Hishiim, p.342; Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.227, 45

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MUHAMMAD ANb THB JEWS 2.The other articles were added from time to time as the need arose.1 3.In view of our observations above, the articles pertaining to the Jews and the declaration of Medina as baram were concluded after 7 /628.The force of logic, therefore, leads us to believe that the ummah was formed towards the concluding period of the Apostle's life and not immediately after his arrival in Yathrib.The Apostle died in 11/632.The Sabifah is actually not the constitution of a state ; it lays the guiding principles for building a multi-cultural and multi-religious ummah in which the dominant group will always be Muslim.2 Having established the Muslim dominance, the Sabifah also secures the following privileges for the dominant group : 1.The functions of the final court of appeal will be discharged by the Apostle.3 2.The question of war and peace is the prerogative of the Apostle.4 The non-Muslims included in the ummah will have the following rights : 1.The security of God is equal for all the groups.5 2.Non-Muslim members of the ummah have equal political and cultural rights with the Muslims.There will be complete 1 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p, 227.2 Muhammad Hamidullah, The First Written Constitution in the World 2nd.Ed.(Lahore 1968), and R.B.Sergeant, "The Constitution of Medina'', have misunderstood the document.3 "Whenever there is anything about which you differ, it is to be referred to God and to Muhammad (peace be upon Him)." (Article 23).The text of the Sabifah is given by lbn Hisham (pp.341-344), Hamidullah's text (pp.41-54) has been compared with lbn Abi Khaithamah, Ibn Kathir and Abil "'Ubayd.See also Watt's Muhammad at Medina (pp.221-225).4 "No one of them may go out (on a military expedition) without the permission of Muhammad (peace be upon Him) but he is not prohibited from taking ven- geance for wounds.Whosoever shed blood shall be personally responsible for it as the member of his house, except where a person has been wronged.God is with those who observe this document scrupulously'; (Article 36).5 "The security (dhimmah) of God is one; the humblest of them can, by extending his protection to anyone, put the obligation on all of them; the believers are brother to one another (mawiili) as against all peoples" (Article 15).46

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THE PEOPLE OF THE $al.zlfah freedom of religion and all groups will be autonomous.1 3.Non-Muslims and Muslims will take up arms against the enemy of the ummah and will share the cost of war.Muslims and non-Muslims are sincere friends with honourable dealings and no treachery.2 4.Non-Muslims will not be obliged to take part in the religious wars of the Muslims.3 The !jal;ifah is a clear indication of the lines on which the Apostle was building the ummah.It was a multi-religious community.Its basis was neither territorial nor tribal.Article 20 of the !jal;ifah implies the exclusion of idolators (mushrikun) from the ummah and since the !jal;ifah included the Jews of Yathrib in the ummah it appears that only a belief in the Unity of God was essential for the membership of the ummah.There were no Christians in Medina, so they did not join the ummah.But in 9/630 when a deputation of Christians under the leadership of "'Abdul-Masil;t "'Aqib, al-Ayham and Bishop Abil l;liiritha b."'Alqama visited Medina the Apostle invited the Christians to join him on the basis of the unity of God.4 He said : 0 People of the Book ! Come to a word equal between us and you that we worship none but Allah, and that we as,mciate no partner with him, and that some of us take not others for Lords beside Allah.5 It is significant that this invitation was extended to them after they had declined the Apostle's offer to accept Islam.6 The Qur?ii.nic 1 "The Jews of Banii "'Awf are an ummah along with the believers.To the Jews their din and to the Muslims their din.This applies both to them and their clients, except for him who is guilty of oppression, or treachery; he brings evil only on himself and members of his house" (Article 25, Articles 26 to 35 are similar).2 "It is for the Jews to bear their expenses and for the Muslims to bear their expenses.Between them there will be help against those who fight against the people of the fjabifah.Between them is sincere friendship and honourable dealing, not treachery, no one shall violate the pledge of his ally and there is help for the person wronged" (Article 37).3 "And if they (the Jews) are invited to a peace to participate in and to adhere to it, they shall participate in it and adhere to it, and if they invite likewise, the same shall be incumbent upon the believers in their favour, except whoever goes to war in the cause of religion" (Article 45).4 Ibn Hisharn, pp.401-411.5 The Qur~an, Alc.Imran, 64.6 Ibn Hisharn, p.411.47

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invitation "to come to a word equal between us and you" does not, therefore, provide a basis for a compromise on matters of faith.The Apostle's biographers, Tradition collectors and jurists working under a mighty Muslim empire have not preserved for us the answer to this offer given by the Christians of Najriin.But there are indications that they accepted to join the ummah on the terms of the Sabifah as far as they could be applied to that region.They accepted the dominant role of Muslims as the administrators of justice, and requested the Apostle "to send a man he could trust, to decide between them in certain financial matters in dispute among them."l Abu ""Ubaydah b.al-Jarriil).was accordingly appointed by the Apostle as a judge for the Christians of Najriin.2 There was, however, flexibility in applying this principle.It was the claim to believe in one God and not the practice which was the criterion.Though the Jews have been accused by the Qur.,iin of associating "Uzair with God, Islam accepts them monotheists.This seems to be the foundation of the ummah.It is the concept of the Unity of God which leads to the idea of oneness of the universe and the universal concept of the ummah, emphasizing the essential equality of the rights of all men.The Jews or Christians were not expected to change their religion.Their belief in the Unity of God was sufficient basis for cooperation, but not integration.It was the concept of a multi-religious society.It was a plural society allowing entry on the basis of elective affinities in which racial or ethnic differences had no relevance, but the belief in the Unity of God was essential.Though the ummah was a pre-political community, yet it was not un-political.By its very nature politics is inherent in any process of community building."It is interesting to note that this first consti- tution of the Arabian Prophet dealt almost exclusively with the civil and political relations of the citizens among themselves and with the outside." 3 In this pre-political ummah the Apostle exercised authority by virtue of his divine sanction.While the Quraysh rejected the formula of 'Mul).ammad, the Apostle of Allah', when signing the Treaty of I;Iudaibiyah.the Jews of Medina seemed to have acquiesced 1 lbn Hisham, pp.410-411; Jbn Sa'°d, p.412.2 Jbn Sa'°d, p.412.3 Bernard Lewis, The Arabs in History (London, 1950) p.43.See also J.Ober- mann, "Early Islam", The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East, ed.R.C.Denton (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966) p.270.

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THE PEOPLE OF THE $abifah to the adoption of a modified formula for the purposes of the $abifah.According to Abii eubayd the words used were, "Mul)ammad the Apostle".1 It does not say whose Apostle.The formulation seems to have been vague enough to be acceptable to the Jews.Though Ibn Isl)aq an earlier authority gives the full formula, "Mul)ammad, the Apostle of Allah", we are inclined to accept Abu eubayd's version.There seems to be no motive, except caution to use a phrase, which was definitely unconventional and awkward.Having accepted a non-dominant position in the ummah, the Jews of Medina probably had no choice but to ·agree to the appellation with the tacit under- standing that it represented the view of the dominant group.Had this understanding not been there they would have not been described as Jews at all.To search for any theoretical basis of the distribution of authority in the ummah would be futile.Whatever authority was needed at this formative period of the community was provided by the Apostle.Mecca was conquered soon after the signing of the $abifah, if we agree to the date we have sought to establish above.This conquest significantly altered the situation.The pagans of Mecca lost control of the KaGbah and they were prohibited from approaching " the Sacred mosque after this year of theirs".2 In the next verse the Muslims were ordered to fight those from among the people of the Book who believe not in Allah nor in the Last Day, nor hold unlawful what Allah and His messenger had declared to be unlawful, nor follow the true religion, until they pay the jizyah with their own hand and acknowledge their subjection.3 Under the terms of the $abifah the Jews were not required to pay any tax a nd there was no explicit clause demanding their subjection.With these verses the dominance of the Muslims was formalised, but no other restriction was added.There is nothing in these verses or any other subsequent verses to change the multi- religious character of the ummah.4 It might be true to say the Jews of Medina, having lost the struggle to retain their dominant character 1 LS'O;JI..w....Abu "'Ubald al-Qlisim b.Salllim, Kitab al-Amwal (Cairo, 1968) paragraph 517.2 The Qm 0 an, Al-Taubah, 27.3 Ibid., Al-Taubah, 28.~ Even though the modern concept of a community may militate against the existence of two levels of membership, in the seve nth century this did not appear to have presented any difficulties.49

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in Medina, were not in a position to play any significant role.The maghiizi writers seem to have lost all interest in the Yathrib Jews after the discomfiture of the B.Quray{:ah and other Jews after the peace treaty with the Jews of Khaybar.The Muslim history of the period, as transmitted to us, is actually the history of the maghiizi.Since the Jewish population of Medina during the later period of the Apostle's life did not involve itself in any conflict or trouble it ceased to be of any interest to the maghiiziwriter.The Apostle did not live very long after the conquest of Mecca.It is difficult to say what form the ummah would have taken had the author of the $abifah lived longer.With his death the $abifah and the ummah created by it, as well as the Jews who were part of the ummah, passed out of the picture.The term ummah, as with all living institutions, acquired a new definition under the Apostle's successors.The Sharie.ah which determined the status of non-Muslim monotheists "did not derive directly from the Qur.,an, it developed out of a practice which often diverged from the Qur.,an's intentions and even from its explicit wording".1 It also did not develop "in close connection with practice, but, as the expression of a religious ideal'', 2 as understood by Muslim theoreticians and ideologists of the Muslim ruling class, which was in fact not only in opposition to practice but in direct contradiction to the original model set by the Apostle.1 Joseph Schacht, "Pre-Islamic Background and Early Development of Juris- prudence", in Law i11 the Middle East, ed.by Majid Khadduri and Herbert J.Liebesny (Washington D.C., 1955), Vol.I, p.41.2 Ibid., p.40.50 '

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CHAPTER III THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION Mul;lammad's followers for their part-quite apart from their adherence to the fundamental ideas of Judaism and to the precepts of Noah-showed perfect willingness to conform to a number of Jewish rituals.In theory, there- fore, there was no reason why the two communities should not have lived peaceably together.But the Jewish tribes of Medina had probably not abandoned the idea of exerting a considerable political influence over the oasis as a whole.It was quite obvious to them, probably before very long, that Mul;tammad's behaviour and the importance he was assuming were likely to interfere with this objective.-MAXIME RODINSON The ummah, 1 as visualized by the Apostle and formalized in the Sabifah, which we have discussed in the previous chapter, could smoothly function only by the willing cooperation of its various constituents - the Muhiijiriin the An$iir and the Jews of Medina.The first five years of the Apostle's life in Medina, it seems, were spent in trying to obtain that cooperation.A section of the An$iir, called the munafiqiin 2 , and three Jewish clans of Medina- the B.Qaynuqac., 1 The ummah in the context of our discussion of the Jews of Medina is confined to the definition given to it by the Sabifah i.e.'the people of the Sabifah.' For a fuller discussion of its meanings see Montgomery Watt, 'Ideal Factors in the Origin of Islam', The Islamic Quarterly, No.3 (October 1955), pp 161-74.and his book Islamic Political Tlwught, Rudi Paret's article in EI(1) and Abu! A cla MaudOdi, Islamic Way of Life, referred to in the previous chapter.2 Though a precise and rigid definition of the word is not possible, it would perhaps be safer to say that the term describes those inhabitants of Medina, who had outwardly accepted Islam, but were suspects for various reasons.They were unreliable during the time of crises (The Qur•an, Al-Abzab,12-24), avoided parti- cipation financially or physically in the Jihad (The Qur 0 an, Muhammad, 20, 31) and even looked forward to the time when the Apostle would be expelled from Medina (The Qur•an, Al-Munafiqiin, 8).See The Qur•an, Al-Munafiqiin and Ibn Hisham pp.411-13.51

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the B.al-Na<;lir and the B.Quray?ah-withheld that cooperation with- out which the ummah could not play an effective role."'Abd Allah b.Ubayy,a prominent Medinan opponent of the Apostle,led the muniifiqun, while the leaders of the B.al-Na<;lir provided the main Jewish opposi- tion.1 In the next two chapters we shall examine that Jewish opposition.The Apostle escaped from the Meccan persecution to the safety of Yathrib in September 622.The date marks not only a new era in Muslim history, but also the second and most crucial phase of the Muslim struggle for survival.While it is admitted that there is "a scarcity of information about the internal politics of Medina"2 during the early years of the Apostle's H(irah, the strength of the opposition which the Muslims had to face does not seem to be fully realized.The Muslim hagiographer by playing up the miraculous aspects of the Apostle's maghiizi has complicated the historian's task of ascertaining the true strength of the Apostle's supporters and opponents up to the time of the truces of J:Iudaibiyah (6/628) and Khaybar (7/628).After an allowance is made for the tendency of the maghiizi writer to exaggerate the opposition and understate the Muslim strength, the fact remains that during the first two years the Quraysh of Mecca, the Jews of Khaybar, the pagan tribes of the J;Iijaz and above all the muniifiqun and the Jews of Yathrib had collectively superior and decisive strength vis-a-vis the new Muslim community.Though conscious of their strength, the pagans and the Jews were not unmindful of the progress the Apostle was making.They were worried at the advance of Islam.To stop its further progress the total communication media of the time were employed against the Apostle.The propagandist · poets, whom Rodinson describes as "the journalists of the time", and Carmichael as kindlers of battle 3 accused the Muslims of Medina of dishonouring themselves by submitting to an outsider.Abu "Afak taunted the children of Qaylah (the Aws and the Khazraj) : I have lived a long time, but I have never seen Either a house or gathering of people 1 See lbn Hisham, pp.351-400 for the details of the Jewish opposition to the Apostle.2 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.180.3 Maxime Rodinson, Mohammed, tr.Anne Carter (New York, 1971), p.194."A tribal poet among the Bedouin", as Joel Carmich ae l puts it, was "no mere versifier, but a kindler of battle'', his poems were "thought of as the serious beginning of real warfare".(The Shaping of the Arabs, A Study in Ethnic Identity, New York, 1967, p.38).52 '

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THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION more Joyal and faithful to Its allies, when they call on it, Than that of the children of Qayla (the Aws and Kha zraj) as a whole.The mountains will crumble before they submit Yet here is a rider come among them who had divided them.(He says) 'This is permitted; this is forbidden' to all kinds of things.But if you had believed in power And in might, why did you not follow a tubba.1 Abii ""Afak in effect asked: The Tubba~ was after all a south Arabian king of great reputation, but you resisted him; now what has happened to you that you have accepted the claims of a Meccan refugee? ""A~mii" bint Marwan2 was more forceful and forthright : Fucked men of Malik and Niibit And of ~Awf, fucked men of Khazraj You obey a stranger who does not belong among you, Who is not of Murad, nor of Madh'bij (Yemenite tribes) Do you, when your own chiefs have been murdered, hope in him Like men greedy for meal soup when it is cooking? Is there no man of honour who will take advantage of an unguarded moment And cut off the gulls' hopes? 3 While ""A~mii, was putting ""Awf and Khazraj to shame, Ka""b b.al-Ashraf was singing erotic prologues to the Apostle's wives, 4 and composing insulting verses about the Muslim women.5 lbn lsl)iiq has preserved for us some of Ka..b's amatory verses which give an idea 1 Ibn Hishiim, p.995.The English translation is by Anne Carter given in Rodinson's Mohammed, p.157.2 Goitein like Rodinson observes that "the women of ancient Arabia were famous not only for their dirges and songs of praise, but in particular for their satirical poems, which largely served the same function as the press of today".(Jews and Arabs, p.30).3 Ibn Hishiim, pp.995-96; Anne Carter's translation in Rodinson's Mohammed, pp.157-58.4 Mubammad b.Salliim al-Juma!)i, Tabaqiit al-Slzuc.arii,, ed.Joseph Hell (Leiden, 1916), p.71.6 Ibn Hishiim, p.550.53

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of his style.The following lines are devoted to Umm al-Fag! bint al-I;Iarith: Are you off without stopping in the valley And leaving Umm al-Fa<;ll in Mecca? Out would come what she bought from the pedlar of bottles, Henna and hair dye What lies 'twixt ankle and elbow is in motion 1 When she tries to stand and does not Like Umm I;Iakim when she was with us The link between us firm and not to be cut She is one of B."Amir who bewitches the heart, And if she wished she could cure my sickness.The glory of women and of a people is their father A people held in honour true to their oath.Never did I see the sunrise at night till I saw her Display herself to us in darkness of the night.2 While this campaign of vulgarity and abuse was conducted by the poets, a Jew from the B.Qaynuqa", Shas b.Qays, ordered a Jewish youth to recite some poems composed on the occasion of the battle of BuGath to a mixed gathering of Muslims composed of the A ws and the Khazraj till they got so worked up that both the A ws and the Khazraj challenged each other saying, "If you wish we will do the same again'.The excited parties said, 'We will.Your meeting place is outside-that being the volcanic tract-To arms! To arms!".3 As soon as the Apostle heard the news he hurried to the spot with the Emigrants and address- ed the men of the Aws and the Khazraj thus: 0 Muslims, remember God.Remember God.Will you act as pagans while I am with you after God has guided you to Islam and honoured you thereby and made a clean break with paganism; delivered y()u thereby from unbelief; made you friends thi:reby? 4 The following verses were revealed on the occasion : 5 0 ye who believe, if you obey any party of those who have been given the Book, they will turn you again into disbelievers after you have believed.How would you disbelieve, while you are the people to whom the signs of Allah are rehearsed and among whom the Messenger of Allah is present.He 1 Guillaume's translation (The Life of Muhammad, pp.366-67).The pornographic nature of this line becomes evident when it is realised that it refers to the motion of Umm al-FaQl's buttocks when she is reclining.2 Al-Tabari, Vol.II, p.488.Ibn Hisham has edited 'out the passage.3 Ibn Hisham, p.386.4 Ibid.5 Ibid., p.387.

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THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION who holds fast to Allah is indeed guided to the right path.0 ye who believe, be mindful of your duty to Allah in all respects, every moment of your lives, so that death, whenever it overtakes you, should find you in a state of complete submission to Him.Take fast hold, all together, of the rope of Allah, and be not divided.Call to mind the favour of Allah which He bestowed upon you when you were at enmity with each other and He united your hearts in love so that by His grace you became as brethren.1 This was the atmosphere of unrest in Medina in which the Battle of Badr took place.Within less than two years of the Hijrah (Ramac;lan 2 A.H./March 624) three hundred and fourteen Muslims led by the Apostle defeated a Meccan army of a thousand Qurayshites at Badr.The dead Meccans numbered between fifty and seventy, including the leading Quraysh opponent of the Apostle, Abii al-ljakam "'Amr b.Hishiim (Abii Jahl) and several other leaders.Another seventy or so were taken prisoners.On the other side only fourteen Muslims were killed.There were no Muslim prisoners.This was the first major encounter with the Meccans after the Apostle's migration from Mecca.2 This notable victory considerably strengthened the Muslim position in Medina, "which had perhaps been deteriorating during the previous few months when it looked as if he (the Apostle) was unlikely to achieve anything".a The incipient opposition in Medina, which had earlier taken the Apostle and his followers rather lightly, seems to have become restive.The Jews and their allies, who had joined the Muslim ranks, but were sitting on the fence, waiting for the opportunity to expel the Muslims from Medina 4 , were naturally disturbed.It seems they were spoiling for a confrontation in Medina, which the Apostle intended to avoid at any cost.During this period probably some incident took place in Medina creating friction between the Muslims and the B.Qaynuqa"'.Ibn Isl:taq did not report it, but his editor, Ibn Hisham added it to his narrative.An An$iiri woman, according to him, was immodestly exposed by a Jewish gold- smith in the market place of the B.Qaynuqa"'.She uttered a loud cry 1 The Qur~an, Al"'Imri'm, 100-104.2 Ibn Hisham, pp.427-539; al-Waqidi, Vol.I, pp.19-171 ;Ibn Saed,Vol.11,pp.11-27.Out of the seven expeditions which took place before Badr there was either no contact or no fighting in six; only in the Nakhlah expedition led bye Abd Allah b.Jab.sh involving seven to twelve people was there fighting and one man was killed.3 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.15.4 The Qur~an Al-Muniifiqun, 8; Ibn Hisham, p.559.

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MUHAMMAP AND THE JEWS and one of the Muslims leapt upon the goldsmith and killed him.So the Jews fell upon the Muslim and killed him, whereupon the Muslim's family called on other Muslims for help against the Jews.T_he Muslims were enraged, and bad feeling sprang up between the two parties.1 Though al-Waqidi also reported the incident 2 , lbn sacd has not included it in his account.Al-Tabari following the original narrative of lbn Isl;taq has also not reported the incident.3 Probably the incident got into the qii$$ material at a later stage, or per- haps seeing it as a minor incident Ibn Isl;taq did not consider it important enough to report.But in a tense situation charged with emotions on both sides even minor and trivial incidents can assume dangerous proportions.Discussing political change in plural societies Kuper observes:...conflict may move rapidly from one sector to another in a seemingly irrational and unpredictable manner.Thus minor, isolated events may have great resonance and precipitate societal intersectional conflict.So too, issues of conflict are readily superimposed, contributing to the likelihood and intensity of violence.4 Whatever the incident which became the immediate cause of conflict,· the relations between the B.Qaynuqac and the Muslims had reached a point where the Apostle was compelled to assemble the B.Qaynuqac in their market for a warning.Since he claimed to be the Apostle of God his first duty was to warn them in the following words: 'O Jews, beware Jest Allah bring you the vengeance that he brought upon the Quraysh and become Muslims.You know that I ama prophet who has been sent-you will find that in your books and AJiah's covenant with you'.5 The Jewish reply to this appeal was a challenge.They said: 'O Muhammad, you seem to think that we are your people.Do not deceive yourself because you encountered a people with no knowledge of war and l Ibn Hisbam, p.568.2 Al-Waqidi, Vol.I, pp.176-77.3 Al-Tabari, Ta 0 rikh al-Rusu/ wa al-Muluk (Cairo, 1961), Vol.II, pp.479-83.Since AI-Tabari has taken in full Ibn IsQliq's Sirah according to the riwiiyah of Salamah b.Fai;ll al-Abrash al-An~ari (See Guillaume, p.xvii) no further references will be made to his Ta' rikh, unless the account varies from Ibn lsl)aq's Sirah.4 Leo Kuper, "Political Change in Plural Societies: Problems in Racial Pluralism", International Social Science Journal, Vol.XXIII, No.4, 1971, p.595.6 lbn Hisham, p.545.

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THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION got the better of them; for by God if we fight you, you will find we are real men'.1 No peaceful settlement was possible after this reply.The B.Qaynuqa"" took the initiative at the most appropriate moment.It was barely two years after the Apostle had settled in Medina.Some of the influential An~iir like ""Abd Allah b.Ubayy2 were still sitting on the fence; the Aws and the Khazraj were still susceptible to pre- lslamic rivalries; and the Jewish position in Medina had not yet been significantly affected by the arrival of the Apostle and the Emigrants.As we have noted earlier the Jewish population of Medina at that time was between 36,000 and 42,000, forming a majority of the city's inhabitants.3 The Battle ofBadr gave a good idea of the strength of the Muslims at that time; they could muster only two horses, seventy camels and three hundred and fourteen men4 to fight against nine hundred and fifty Meccans who in addition to a large number of camels had two hundred horses.The B.Qaynuqii."" or for that matter any other observer would have formed a very poor opinion of the Meccans' strategy, logistics and command.At the same time the Muslim weakness, both in men and equipment, was exposed.Even if other Jews and their Medinan allies would not help, the B.Qaynuqa'- could manage to settle with the Apostle and his helpers alone.They were seven hundred strong, three hundred of them with armour5, in comparison to some three hundred Muslims without armour.They also had the advantage of their well-provided strongholds.The B.Qaynuqii."" after all were the bravest of the Jews6 and they called themselves the "men of war" 7 , so they decided to take the initiative I Jbn Hisham, p.545.2 Our sources have not preserved the names of other prominent muniifiqiin, but the frequent reference to them in the Qur~an indicates that their numberwas not inconsiderable.3 Sec Supra p.43.4 There seems to be no reason to suspect these figures.The Muhiijiriin and the An$iir who participated in the Battle of Badr have been given a place of honour by Muslims; their names have been recorded by lbn lsbaq and lbn Sa""d and their descendants got preference over the descendants of oth er companions of the Apostle.5 Ibn Hisham, p.546; Al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.177.6 Ibn Sac.d, Vol.II, p.29.7 Al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.176.~7

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and "went to war".1 They shut themselves up inside their forts.The Apostle went and sat down outside with his men.The combat was as unequal as at Badr, and the outcome was no less surprising.After only a fifteen-day siege the B.Qaynuqa"' surrendered.Margoliouth has made an interesting observation on the fighting qualities of the Jews of Medina: It is rather curious that in the Prophet's biography, the Jews figure as dealers in arms and armour just as they do in the.medieval England of Scott.Apparently they could be trusted not to use them effectively.~ The claim of being "men of war" and "the bravest of the Jews" has been reported by al-Waqidi and his pupil lbn Sa"'d.lbn Is}.laq's language is more cautious.He does not mention anything about their bravery.The other two most powerful Jewish tribes, the B.al-Na\lir and the B.Quray.μh, did not help.Nor did "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy b.Saliil make a move to provide any support to the besieged Jews.Only after their surrender did "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy espouse their cause.The B.Qaynuqae were his confederates; they had fought by his side before the Hijrah.After their surrender "Abd Allah b..Ubayy went to the Apostle and asked him to "deal kindly with my clients...." The Apostle replied, "Confound you, let me go".Ibn Ubayy answered, "No, by God, I will · not let you go until you deal kindly with my clients.Four hundred men without mail and three hundred mailed protected me from all mine enemies.Would you cut them down in one morning? By God, I am a man · who fears that circumstances may change".The Apostle said, "You · can have them."3 Ibn Is}.laq, al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa"'d reported this story.They all leave the im- pression that "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy had some influence on the Apostle.The wording of"'Abd Allah b.Ubayy's plea with the Apostle is by itself of a doubtful nature.Ibn Is}.laq has not reported that the Apostle had at all indicated that he intended to order the execution of the B.Qaynuqa"'.It was al-Waqidi who introduced it, and lbn Sa"'d who copied it from his master.As a political leader it was no.t the Apostle's way of dealing with his adversaries.He did not believe in 1 Jbn Hisham, p.545.2 D.S.Margoliouth, The Early Development of Mohammedanism (London, 1926), p.109.8 Ibn Hishil.m, p.546.' 58

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THE JEwiSH SUPPORT TO MEDiNAN OPPOSiTioN non-violence and went to.war when 1!ecessary, but as a principle he avoided unnecessary bloodshed.In any case, in the second year of the Hijrah, even if he had wanted to, he was not in a position to impose a severe punishment.A more acceptable line of reasoning would be to consider the attack on the B.Qaynuqa"" as a lesson to the.munqfiqfm and especially eAbd Allah b.Ubayy, who would have been a direct beneficiary if the B.Qaynuqae had succeeded.""Ubadah b.al-Samit of al-Qawaqilah, who was also a confederate of the Jews, hastened to renounce his relationship with the B.Qaynuqii"".1 eAbd Allah b.Ubayy was thus not only exposed and isolated, but also weakened.The Apostle had taught a lesson; there was no need for further action.· lbn lsl;laq's account of the whole affair is short and restrained.He has not reported the incident at the B.Qaynuqae market; it was added by Ibn Hisham.Ibn Isl;laq "begins by reporting the Apostle's address to the B.Qaynuqa"" in their market.But he does not report that the B.Qayhuqae were expelled.The Apostle told "'Abd Allah b.Ubayy "You can have them." It is al-Waqidi who had added the phrase "and ordered them to be expelled from Medina".2 Ibn Saed copied his teacher's phrase without investigation.s Evidence seems to support lbn Isl;laq, who did not report their expulsion.Neither · al-Bukhari nor Muslim reported any l;ladith on the Apostle's conflict with the B.Qaynuqae though both of them dealt with the B.al-Nai;lir and the B.Quray~h.The expulsion of the B.Qaynuqa"' has been reported by both of them together with the general expulsion of the Jews from Medina." No dates are given in these reports, but the name of the B.Qaynuqa., was mentioned after that of B.al-Na{l.ir and the B.Qurayiah.Both these reports seem to refer to eumar's caliphate.As wehavealreadynoted,theJewswerestill inMedinain the ninth year of the Hijrah and the Apostle's biographies do not mention any general expulsion of the Jews from Medina during his life.5 Abii Yusuf (113/731-182/798), who deals in his Kitiib al-Khariij with the problems ofland taxation, the legal position ofnon-Muslims and related matters and gives precedents, wherever possible, from the Apostle's time to establish the law according to his Sunnah, makes no reference to the expulsion of the B.Qaynuqae and the _ distribution of their property.I Ibn Hishiim, p.546.2 AJ-Wiiqidi, Vol.I, p.178.s Ibn Sa~d, Vol.II, p.29.' Al-Bukhari, Sahib, Vol.V, p.112; Sal.iih Muslim, Vol.II, Ifadith No.243.6 Supra, Chapter II, p.42.59

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Ya~ya B.Adam (140/757-203/818), who "is usually said by critics to be reliable...and was primarily a traditionist and legist of the orthodox school" 1 reports that the B.al-Na9ir were the first to be deported from Yathrib.2 Imam Shafiei (150/767-204/820) mentions that the Apostle employed Jewish auxiliaries of the B.Qaynuqa" against the Jews of Khaybar (7/628).3 Ibn al-~Imii.d (1032/ 1623-1089/1679), though a late writer yet "still useful as a preliminary source of informa- tion "4, has covered in Shiidlzarat al-Dhahab important events of the Apostle's life from the time of his Hijrah.He also did not mention the expulsion of the B.Qaynuqii." from Yathrib in the second year of the Hijrah or during the Apostle's life.5 The Qur.,an supports this view.Surat al-Jf ashr, which was revealed after the Battle of UI:rnd, in the fourth year of the Hijrah and deals with the banishment of the B.al-Na9ir from Medina, refer to their expulsion as "the first exile".6 While the Qur.,ii.n mentions the B.al-Na9ir's expulsion and the B.Quranah's punishment, it does not refer to the B.Qaynuqii."s expulsion although they were the first who came into conflict with the Muslims.Al-Waqidi, and Ibn Sa"d report that the following verse was revealed regarding the B.Qaynuqa": And if thou apprehend treachery from a people, (who have made a pact with thee) terminate the pact with equity.Surely Allah loves not the treacherous.7 The above passage has been quoted out of context.The penultimate verse of the same surahB explicitly excludes the B.Qaynuqa", 1 Joseph Schacht, Encyclopaedia of Islam (l), Vol.IV, p.1150..2 Yabya b.Adam, Kitab al-Kharaj (Leiden, 1896) p.20.Schacht describes the book as "important for the history of land tax in Islam.A.Ben Shemesh has published an English translation of the book under the title Taxation in Islam, Vol.I (Leiden, 1958).8 Al-Shafi"'i, Kitab al-Umm (Cairo, 1381/1961), Vol.VI, p.261; Vol.VII, p.342.4 F.Rosenthal, EI (2), Vol.III, p.807.5 Ibn al-"' I mad, "Abd al-I;Iayy b.AJ:imad al-I;Ianbali Shadharat al-Dhahab fi Akhbiir Man Dhahab (Beirut, 1966) Vol.I, pp.9-10.6 Al-Tabari, Jami"' al-Bayiin (Cairo, 1954), Vol.XXVIII, pp.27-29.Al-Zamakhshari, Al-Kashshiif (Cairo, 1966), Vol.IV, pp.79-81.Al-Bayc;lawi, Anwar al-Tanzi/ wa Asriir al-Ta 0 wil, ed.by H.0.Fleischer (Osnabruck, 1968), Vol.II, p.332.7 The Qur 0 an, Al-Anfiil, 58.8 Ibid., 56.60

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THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION as it refers to "those with whom thou didst make a covenant, then they break their covenant everytime and they do not fear God".The B.Qaynuqac.were not the ones who repeatedly broke their cove- nant.It was barely two years that the Apostle had been in Medina, and there had been no occasion for repeated breaches.Ibn ls]J.aq reports on the authority of c.Asim b.c.umar b.Qatadah that the B.Qaynuqac.were the first of the Jews to break their agreement with the Apostle and go to war, between Badr and Ul;iud 1.They were the first and not the repeaters.According to the commentators both these verses refer to the B.Quranah and not to the B.Qaynuqac.2 Since lbn Isl;iaq does not report their expulsion, he does not refer to the disposal of their property either.They had two iifam and a market near the bridge of Batl;ian and another market at I;Iubashah.3 Kister in his brief but learned article has collected all the available traditions showing that the Apostle wished to establish a market in Medina.4 The MuhiJ.jirun, who were mostly merchants and traders needed such a place badly; the An~ar were, as is well- known, agriculturists.If the B.Qaynuqac were expelled, their pro- perties and especially the market would have been the first to go to the Meccan Muhiijirun rather than those of the B.al-Na<;lir, which were farms and palm groves.But there is no mention of such a distribution either to the Muhiijirun or to the An~iir.It seems rather odd that the Apostle should have waited for four years to distribute properties to the Muhaj1run on the expulsion of the B.al-Na<;lir, though he could have given them properties more suitable to their profession two years earlier on the supposed expulsion of the B.Qaynuqac.Even al-Waqidi does nottell us what happened to their market.Since Muslims used the market established in the cemetery of the B.Sac.idah,5 it is obvious that· the B.Qaynuqa"' market remained in their possession.The other alternative is that it was not used, which is not tenable; such a property right in Medina could not be wasted.1 Ibn Hishiim, p.545.See also al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.177.2 Al-Tabari, Tafsir (Cairo, 1958) Vol.XIV, pp.21-26.Al-Zamakhshari, Al-Kashshiif.Vol.II, pp.164-65.Al-BayQiiwi, Vol.I, p.371.3 Saleh Ahmad al-Ali, "Studies in the Topography of Medina", Islamic Culture, Vol.XXXV.No.2, April 1961, pp.71-72.~ M.J.Kister, "The Market of the Prophet", The Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.VIII, Part II (December 1965) pp.272-276..5 Ibid., pp.275-276.61

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It seems that though the arms of the B.Qaynuqii"" were confiscated, they were allowed to continue in possession of all their properties.While the B.al-Na<;lir and other Jews did not move to help the B.Qaynuqiie, they were not inactive.Kae.b b.al-Ashraf, who was elected Chief of the Jews, replacing Malik b.al-Sayfl, lamented the loss of the Quraysh at Badr, and set out for Mecca to rouse the Meccans to avenge the defeat at Badr.2 In one of his elegies he sang of the nobility of those who fell at Badr and cried out for vengeance: Badr's mill ground out the blood of its people.At events like Badr you should weep and cry.The best of the people were slain round their cisterns.Don't think it strange that the princes were left lying How many noble handsome men, the refuge of the homeless were slain Liberal when the stars gave no rain Who bore other's burdens, ruling and taking their due fourth...I was told that al-J:larith ibn Hisham Is doing well and gathering troops To visit Yathrib with armies For only the noble, handsome man protects the loftiest reputation.3 In another elegy, he said: Drive off that fool of yours that you may be safe From talk that has no sense! Do you taunt me because I shed tears For people who loved me sincerely? As long I live I shall weep and remember The merits of people whose glory is Mecca's houses.4 In a year's time the Meccans were ready to take the battle-field again.On 7 Shawwiil, 3 Hijri (22 March, 625) the inconclusive battle of Ul).ud took place.The Apostle lost the battle.Seventy Muslims were killed as against the twenty-two of the Quraysh.Though the Meccans did not take the fullest advantage of the Muslim loss, yet Muslim prestige had reached its lowest.Soon after at Bi~r Mac.iinah, 1 "Ali b.Burhan al Din al-l.Ialabi, Insiin al-"Uyun, Vol.ll, p.116, cited by Kister.The Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.VIII, p.276.2 Ibn Hisham, p.459.3 Ibid., pp.548-49.The translation is by Guillaume.4 Ibid., p.550.The translation is by Guillaume.· ,, 62

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THE JEWISH SUPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION forty to seventy Muslims were killed; only one Muslim, ~Amr b.Umay- yah al-Qamri, escaped the massacre.On ms way home he came across two men from the B.e Amir lying asleep.Not knowing that the B.c Amir had taken no direct part in the massacre, he killed both of them to avenge his companions.Since the Apostle and the Jewish clan of the B.al-Nac;lir were obliged by virtue of a pact with the B.c.Amir to pay the blood money, the Apostle accompanied by a number of important men of his community appeared at the Council of the B.al-Nac;lir for contributions to the blood money.The Council, having agreed to contribute to the blood money, asked the Apostle and his companions to wait outside the wall.While the Apostle waited there he noticed movements which made mm suspicious.He had never been so close to the Jews: he was in their quarters and the assas- sination of cA~ma., bint Marwan, Abu cAfak and Kacb b.al-Ashraf by the Muslims in similar circumstances was still fresh in everyone's mind.The Apostle quietly left and after sometime his companions also left.Later intelligence confirmed the Apostle's worst fears.There was a conspiracy to kill mm.1 The Apostle had already been informed of their contacts with the Quraysh of Mecca.Nabia Abbott in her Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri 2 has edited a passage wmch contains the account of the causes which led to the Apostle's campaign against the B.al-Nac;lir.Kister has carefully re-examined the passage and after an elaborate discussion proved that its author was Ibn Lahieah, who lived in Egypt and was the Qac;li from 155/771 to 164/780.The passage reads: and they sent secretly to the Quraish when they encamped at Ul)ud in order to fight the Prophet and they incited them to fight 'and showed them the weak spots.3 This account, which comes from a source almost contemporaneous to lbn Isl)aq throws additional light on the role of the B.al-Nac;lir.4 1 Al-Bukhari, $a/;ib al-Bukhari, (9 volumes, Cairo: al-Sha cab, n.d.), Vol.V, p.112.Ibn Hishilm, pp.652-53; Al-Tabari, Vol.II, p.551.2 (Chicago, 1957) Document 5, "Campaigns of Muhammad " , p.67.3 M.J.Kister, "Notes on the Papyrus Text About Muhammad's Campaign Against the B.al-NaQir", Archiv Orienta/ni, 32, 1964, p.234.4 Ibn Hisham, p.543.Al-Zurqani gives a similar report on the authority of Miisa b.cuqbah in Sharl; al-Mawiihib al-Laduniyah (Cairo, 1325 A.H.), Vol.II, p, 81; the passage in the Papyrus, however, corresponds to the Tradition reported on the authority of curwah b.al- Zubayr in Abii Nu..aym al-I~fahani's Dalii'il a/-Nubuwwah (Hyde ra bad, 1320 A.H.), p.176.63

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On an earlier occasion, approximately three months after the Battle of Badr, Sallam b.Mishkam, the chief of the B.al-Nac,iir, had secretly entertained Abu Sufyan b.I:Iarb and two hundred Meccan riders with food and drink and had supplied Abu Sufyan secret information about the Muslims.1 This abortive Meccan attempt to attack Medina was named, according to Abu al-Faraj, the 'Raid of al-Sawiq' after the name of the wine Sallam b.Mishkam had served on the occasion.2 Al-Sawiq is made of wheat and barley.Praising Sallam's hospitality on the occasion Abii Sufyan said: I chose one man out of Medina as an ally, I had no cause to regret it, though I did not stay long.Sallam ibn Mishkam gave me good wine, He refreshed me in full measure despite my haste.3 Referring to the conspiracy hatched by the B.al-Nac,iir, Rodinson remarks, "it was a not altogether unlikely assumption and one which, given a minimum of political intuition, anyone less intelligent than the Prophet might have suspected".4 Within a period of four months the Muslims had lost more than a hundred men at Ul;md and Bi?r Ma"-iinah.They needed peace at home and looked for reassurance from their Medinan neighbours.The Apostle approached the B.Quray~ah and the B.al-Nac,iir for the renewal of the agreement; the B.Qurayiah renewed it, but the B.al-Nac,iir rejected the request.5 Though the Muslims were not in a strong position, they decided to force the issue.Mul).ammad b.Maslamah, an An~iiri belonging to a tribe allied to the B.al-Nac,iir, was sent by the Apostle to give them an ultimatum; they were given ten days to leave Medina.6 The B.al-Nac,iir were ready to comply with the terms of the ultimatum, but "-Abd Allah b.Ubayy, Wadi"-ah, Malik b.Abii Qawqal, Suwayd and Da"-is advised them to resist.7 Ibn Ubayy would support them and so would the B.Quray~ah and the B.Ghatafan.8 The i Ibn Hisham, p.543.2 Al-Aghiini, Vol.VI, p.336.3 Ibn Hishlim, p.544, Guillaume's translation.4 Rodinson, pp.191-92.fi Abu Da'Ud, Vol.III, p, 116-17.6 Ibn Sa'°d, Vol.II, p.57.7 Ibn Hisham, p.653.8 Jbn Sa'°d, Vol.II, p.57.64

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THE JEWISH S,UPPORT TO MEDINAN OPPOSITION B.al-Nac,lir shut themselves up inside their forts and waited for the help.The story of the B.Qaynuqa" was repeated.The Apostle went with his Companions and sat down till they surrendered.No one moved to help the B.al-Na<;iir.Surat al-lf ashr, which was revealed on this occasion, deals with the incident.1 Referring to the promised help the Qur.,an says: Knowest thou not the hypocrites who say to their disbelieving companions among the people of the Book: if you are turned out of Medina, we will surely go out with you, and we will never obey anyone at all against you, and if you are fought against we will certainly help you.2 The siege lasted for a fortnight and then the B.al-Na<;iir surrendered.They were deported, but allowed to take what they could carry on their camels, except for their weapons.They went with six hundred camels loaded with their possessions, even dismantling their houses and carrying away the lintels of the doors.Wood was expensive and they would need it for their new houses.Some went to Khaybar and others went to Syria.Sallam b.Abu al-l:luqayq, Kinanah b.al-Rabi" b.Abu al-l:Iuqayq and I:Iuyayy b.Akhtab were among those who went to Khaybar.Ibn lsl)aq reports that the defeated clan wound its way "with such pomp and splendour as had never been seen in any tribe in their days".3 Al-Waqidi, not to be outdone by Ibn Isl)aq, added that the women of the B.al-Na<;iir wore their finest dresses and decked themselves in their jewels.No one had ever seen women so beautiful who vied with shining pearls and the full moon.4 Ibn Sa"d with his usual restraint dropped this qG$$ embellishment from his account.A great many factors seemed to have conspired in the second year of the Hijrah to produce conditions which made the B.Qaynuqa", probably, an unsuspecting victim of the munafiqiin's machination.This benefit of doubt could not be given to the B.al-Na<;iir.The B.Qaynuqa" seemed to have invited conflict at a time when the Muslims could respond from a position of strength and consequently afford 1 Ibn Hisham, p.654.Al-Tabari, Jami al-Bayon (Cairo, 1954) Vol.XXVIII, pp.27-40; Al-Zamakhshari, Al-Kashshtif, Vol.IV, pp.79-82; Al-Baygawi, Vol.II, pp.332-33.2 The Qur 0 an, Al-l:[ashr, 11.3 Ibn Hisham, pp.653-54.4 Al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.376.65

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generosity.The B.al-NaQir adopted a hostile posture at a time when the Apostle and his followers were in deep waters.To treat them with the same leniency which was shown to the B.Qaynuqa"" would have been a sign of weakness, and disastrous to the Muslim prestige.66

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CHAPTER IV THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY It seems as if the strain and trouble of trying to take a critical view of confident assertions so troubles the human mind that men and women are prepared to concede the most damning case against their fathers and grandfathers in order to avoid the tedious work of disentangling the evidence for themselves.- G.KITSON CLARK Exiled but not exhausted, defeated but not dejected, the B.al-Na<;lir settled in Khaybar fairly quickly.In the peace and quiet which Khaybar offered, the leaders of the B.al-Na<;lir must have taken stock of the whole situation.The new religion was not only a threat to the Meccans, but to the Jews as well.If the initiative was left to the Muslims they might strike again and do so at a time of their own choosing.Individually neither the Jews nor the Meccans could destroy this band of poor but committed people under a leader who commanded absolute authority and unwavering loyalty.So the B.al-Na<;lir decided to send a mission to Mecca.It was a large delega- tion of twenty leaders.Prominent among the B.al-Na<;lir, who led the delegation, were Salliim b.Abii al-J:Iuqayq, J:Iuyayy b.Akhtab and Kiniinah b.Abii al-J:Iuqayq.A number of leaders from the B.Wii'il also joined this delegation; the B.Wii'il was a sub-tribe of the Khazraj but was closely linked with the Jews.This delegation arrived in Mecca in the summer of 5/626 and invited the Quraysh to join them in an all-out attack on Medina so that they might get rid of the Apostle once for all.The Quraysh responded gladly to their invitation to fight the Apostle.From Mecca this delegation of the Jews went to the Ghatafiin and extended the same invitation.The delegation informed them that the Quraysh had already accepted their invitation.They also offered 67

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them annually half of the date crop of Khaybar as the price of their joining the Quraysh.1 Later during the Battle of the Ahzab the Apostle, who obviously knew of this arrangement between the B.al-Nac;lir and the Ghatafan, matched the offer and promised them a third of the dates of Medina on condition that they would go back with their followers.2 The offer was, however, not ratified by the An~ar.The Jews also contacted their allies among the Banu Sae.d, another sub-tribe of the Khazraj.The Banu Asad and the Bam1 Sulaym were also approached and they too accepted the invitation to fight against the Apostle.a Preparations for the joint attack started soon and tribal forces began to arrive in early February 9/627.The Ghatafan and the B.Fazarah came with 2,000 men and a thousand camels under e.uyaynah b.I:li~n b.I:Iudhayfah b.Badr.The B.Sulaym sent a contingent of 700.Ashja" and the B.Murrah sent 400 warriors each.The B.Asad's contingent, whose strength is not known, arrived under TulayJ:iah b.Khauwaylid.The Quraysh marched under the leadership of Abu Sufyan b.I:larb b.Umayyah; there were 4,000 of them with 1,500 camels and 300 horses.The total strength of the army, which Abu Sufyan led against the Muslims was 10,000.4 The Muslims dug a trench, which ran from Shaykhayn to the Mount of Banu "Ubayd.The Apostle established his camp just ahead of the hill of Sale.The total Muslim strength was 3,000.The women and children were sent away from the main front.The B.Quray:(:ah were in the rear, which was not covered.(See map on the next page).As Watt observes, "an attack from the south on the Muslim rear by Quray:(:ah might have put an end to MuJ:iammad's career." 5 During the siege, however, no major action took place and the B.Quray:(:ah did not get an opportunity to attack.There were no large stocks of food in Medina and the Muslims began to feel the pangs ofhunger.6 The food also ran short in the enemy camp; Abu Sufyan had made no provisions for such a long siege either.Outnumbered and starving 1 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.443.Al-Samhiidi, Vol.I, p.301.2 Ibn Hisham, p.676.s Ibn Hi sham, p.669; Ibn Sa"'d, II, pp.65-66.4 Ibn Sa"'d, II, p.66.5 Watt, Muhammad at M~dina, p.39.6 Al-Bukhiiri, $abib, chapter on Al-Abztib, Vol.V, pp.138- 39.Ibn Hisham, the story of the dates a nd the ewe, pp.671-72, I:Iudhayfah's report on hunger, p.683.68

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY Medina at the time of the Battle of the Al:iziib 69

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with their rear exposed the Muslim were in a bad shape; their plight has been described by the Qur.,an in the following verses : Your eyes became distracted and your hearts reached your throats, while you thought thoughts about Allah.Then were the believers sorely tried, and were violently shaken.1 To break the impasse Abii Sufyiin sent I:Iuyayy b.Akhtab to the B.Quray01h inviting them to join the Confederates.2 After some hesitance their leader Kacb.b.Asad agreed.The Qur"iin refers to the B.Quray~ah as "the people of the Book who had backed up the Confederates".3 In the meantime, the Apostle got wind of I:Iuyayy b.Akhtab's approach to the B.Quray~ah and sent Sacd b.Muciidh and others to find the truth; they went, talked to the B.Quray01h and confirmed the report.Later on, a scout of the B.Quray~ah who had been sent to reconnoitre in the area where the Muslim families were quartered, was killed by Safiyah the aunt of the Apostle.4 The Battle of the Al;zab was actually a major siege in which three armies, "the Quraysh, the Ghatafiin and the B.Quranah" 5 invested Medina."They came at you from above you and from below you".6 According to Ibn IsJ:tiiq those who came from above were the B.Quranah and those who came from below were the Quraysh and the Ghatafiin.7 It was an expensive mistake.The Confederates were reasonably optimistic about their ability to take Medina.During the siege which lasted nearly a month there were only two actions; an individual combat in which cAmr b.cAbd Wudd b.Abii Qays was killed by c Alis and the second in which Safiyah killed a scout from the Bishah's report on this surah, Vol.V, p.138.Ibn Kathir, Tafsir al-Qur,ii11 al-Karim, Vol.III, pp.469-72.2 Ibn Hisham, p.674.3 The Qur,an, Al-Abziib, 26.Ibn Hishiim, p.693.4 Ibn Hisham, p.680.5 Ibid., p.694.r, The Qur~an, Al-AJ;ziib, 10.7 Ibn Hisham, p.694.8 Ibn Hisham, p.678.70

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY lesson that the Muslims had adopted a new strategy, and their atam had ceased to provide security against the new method of Muslim warfare.The Apostle went with his companions and laid siege till they surrendered.This is more or less the standard version of the incident as reported by Ibn Isl).aql, al-Waqidi2 and Ibn Sa"'d 3 with slight variations in details.These are the facts as they emerge from the Muslim sources.There is no corroborative evidence from the Jewish or Christian sources.The condemnation of the B.Quray:?ah, however, as reported by Ibn Isl).aq and other maghazr-writers, does not stand to reason and it is at variance with the Qur.,an.Before we analyse the various accounts of the conflict with the B.Quray:?ah it is interesting to examine lbn Isl).aq's treatment of the pre-Islamic reports concerning this tribe.We are first introduced to the Banii Quray:?ah, when two of their rabbis advised the Tubba"' (5th century A.D.) not to destroy Yathrib because "Yathrib was the place where a prophet of the Quraysh would seek refuge in future and it would become his abode and a resting place." 4 The report is obviously written in the spirit of latter day history.The B.Qurayμh are mentioned for the second time when, after the Apostle's arrival, the Jewish rabbis, including those of the B.Quray'.?'.ah, told the polytheist Quraysh "your religion is better than his and you are on a better path than he and those who follow him".5 The third reference is to the arbitration referred to the Apostle by the B.al-Nagir and the B.Quray:?ah.The B.al-Nagir used to pay half of the normal blood wit instead of the full 100 wasaq of grains to the B.Quray:?ah, but the Apostle "awarded the bloodwit in equal shares".6 These three references which precede the main account of events connected with the affair of the B.Quray:?ah show that Ibn Isl).iiq might have been swayed by the contemporary ideas about the Jews: they knew or at least their rabbis knew even before the birth of the 1 Ibn Hisham, pp.669-713.2 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, pp.496-531.s Ibn Sa"d, Vol.II, p.65-78.4 Ibn Hishiim, pp.13-15.5 Ibn Hishiim, p.391.6 Ibn Hisham, p.396.Ibn Kathir explains that the B.al-Na(jir did not treat the B.Quray;i:ah as their equals.If in a dispute a man of the B.Quray;i:ah killed a man from the B.al-Na<_lir he paid 100 wasaq of grain, but if the B.al-Na(jir killed a man of the B.Quray{'.ah he paid only 50 wasaq.(Vol.II, p.60).71

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I I.Apostle that a prophet would appear among the Arabs.In spite of that knowledge their rabbis told the polytheist Quraysh that their religion was better than that of the Apostle who like them believed in one God.Jbn Isl)iiq has given the following account of the whole affair : The Apostle besieged the B.Quray+ah for twenty-five nights until they were sore pressed and felt sure that ·the Apostle would not leave them until he had made an end of them.At this stage Ka"b b.Asadl offered them three alternatives : 1) Accept Muhammad as a true prophet and save yourselves, or 2) Kill your wives and children and fight with Muhammad till God decides between you and him, or finally 3) Tonight is the eve of the Sabbath; take Muhammad and his companions by surprise.The Jews did not accept any one of these proposals and requested the Apostle to send Abu Lubiibah for consultations.Abu Lubiibah told them lo surrender, but at the same time pointed with his hand to his throat signifying slaughter.In the morning they submitted to the Apostle's judgment.The Aws said, 'O Apostle, they are our allies, not allies of Khazraj, and you know how you recently treated the allies of our brethren'.The Apostle asked, 'Will you be satisfied if one of your own number pronounces judgment on them?' When they agreed the Apostle appointed Sa"d b.Mu"adh.2 The Aws now requested Sa"d to treat his friends (the B.Quray:r.ah) kindly, to which Sa"d replied, 'The time has come for Sa"d in the cause of God , not to care for any man's censure'.Hearing this s ome of the Aws went back to the quarter of B."Abd al-Ashhal and announced the death ofB.Quray+ah before Sa"d reached there, because of what they had heard him say.Sa"d asked the Aws and the Apostle if they would accept his judgment.They agreed.Then Sa"d gave his judgment: The men should be killed, the property divided and the women and children taken as captives.Then the B.Quray;".ah surrendered.The Apostle confined them in Medina in the quarters of a woman.Trenches were dug in the market of Medina.They were brought out to him in batches and their heads were struck off in those trenches.As the B.Quray+ah were taken out in the batches they asked Ka"b what he thought would be done to them.He replied, 'It is death'.This went on until the Apostle made an end of them.There were 600 or 700 in all, though some put the figure as high as 800 or 900."A "ishah who was one of the spectators said only one woman was killed.She was sitting with "A 0 ishah when an unseen voice called her name and she was taken away and beheaded."A 0 ishah used to say, 'I shall never forget my wonder at her good spirits and her loud laughter when all the 'time she knew t,hat she would be killed.3 · Now we shall examine the testimony m detail.The beginning of Ibn lsl)iiq's story is quite impressive: "According to what 1 Ka"b b.Asad was the chief of the B.Quray7.ah.2 Ibn Hishiim adds without isnad that the Jews said, 'O Mohammad, we will submit to the judgment of Sa"d b.Mu"adh.' 3 The above summary is based on Ibn Isl:Jiiq's account.Ibn Hishiim, pp.684-69.72..

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY al-Zuhri told me."1 But the story deals with (i)2 Gabriel's appearance before the Apostle and (ii) the Apostle's instructions that none should perform the afternoon prayer ("A~r) until after he reached B.Quray:?ah.Some of them "prayed the afternoon prayer there after the last evening prayer.God did not blame them for that in His Book, nor did the Apostle reproach them.My father Isl;aq b.Yasiir told me this Tradition from Macbad b.Malik An~iiri".3 To accept the view that Macbad b.Malik An~ari's report does not conclude al-Zuhri's report and the rest of the account given by Ibn Isl;iiq is also on the authority of al-Zuhri is to accept that al-Zuhri not only reported Kacb b.Asad's imaginary speech but also incidents which are mutually exclusive.In view of al-Zuhri's reputation for reliability4, it is difficult to concur with this view.A more reasonable explanation would be to consider that while some of Ibn Isl;iiq's information was derived from al-Zuhri, he added details which were not sufficiently supported; on such occa- sions his sources are "not always particularly clear".5 After this introduction the subsequent account up to the delivery of Sacd b.Mucadh's judgment is of doubtful authority.6 Ibn Is!Jiiq tells us that (iii) the Apostle besieged the B.Quray?:ah for twenty-five nights.7 But Ibn Sacd says that they were besieged for fifteen days.8 (iv) When the Jews felt sure that the Apostle would not leave them until he made an end of them, Kacb b.Asad addressed them in the following words : 'O Jews, you can see what has happened to you.I offer you three alternatives.Accept what you wish.(i) We will follow this man and accept him as true, for by God it has become plain to you that he is the prophet who has been sent and that it is he whom you find mentioned in your scripture; if you do so your lives, your property, your women and children will be saved.' They said, 'We will never abandon the laws of the Torah and never change it for another'.He said, 'Then if you won't accept this suggestion (ii) let us kill our wives and children and send men with drawn 1 Ibn Hishiim, p.684.~ All incidents in the account of the B.Quray4ah have been given consecutive Roman numbers.3 Ibn Hishiim, p.685.4 See A.A.Duri's exhaustivearticle"Al-Zuhri" in BSOAS , Vol.IX, 1957, pp.1-12.5 Supra, Introduction, p.16.6 The incident of AbU Lubiibah's forgiveness is an exception for which Ibn IsJ:iiiq has given an isniitJ; it has been reported on the authority of Yazid b."'Abd Allah b.Qusay(.7 Ibn Hishiim, p.685.8 Jbn Sa..d, Vol.II, p.74.73

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swords to Muhammad and his companions leaving no encumbrances behind us, until God decides between us and Muhammad.If we do perish, we shall not leave children behind us to cause us anxiety.If we conquer we can acquire other wives and children'.They said, 'Should we kill these poor creatures? What would be the good of life when they were dead?' He said, 'Then if you will not accept this suggestion (iii) tonight is the eve of the Sabbath and it may well be that Muhammad and his companions will feel safe from us then, so come down, perhaps we can take Muhammad and his companions by surprise.' They said: 'Are we to profane our Sabbath and do on the Sabbath what those before us of whom you well know did and were turned into apes?' He answered, 'Not a single man among you from the day of your birth has ever passed a night resolved to do what he knows ought to be done.' 1 It is at once apparent that the first alternative of Kacb b.Asad is a reflection of lbn lsl;liiq's questionable story of the rabbis of the B.Quray+ah who had told the Tubbac of the coming of the prophet.2 The Jews, according to Ibn lsl;liiq's version of Kacb's speech, knew that the Apostle was right and was the true messenger of God,3 and still on the eve of their death they refused to accept him.The first alternative and the answer the Jews gave is patently absurd.If they were convinced that the Apostle was an impostor and they were ready to die then they were heroes, but if it had "become plain" to them that he was a prophet and they still persisted in their death-wish then it meant that the whole clan had gone mad.Obviously, it had not "become plain" to them and Ibn Isl;laq has put in Kacb b.Asad's mouth what had "become plain" to him.The second alternative shows lbn lsiJii.q's ignorance of the Jewish law and history.These 600 to 900 men were going to fight an army of 3,000 soldiers, who had returned victorious from the Battle of the Abzab.Though it seemed to be a mad act of self destruction, yet there was a slim hope.The victorious Muslims were in bad shape.4 The general position in Judaism is that suicide is strictly forbidden "And surely the blood of your lives shall I require"5 is considered a prohibition referring to suicide.The preservation of one's life is considered io be of such importance that man is not permitted to sacrifice 1 Ibn Hisham, pp.685-686.2 The story as suggested earlier has a latter day Muslim gloss.3 ".•.for by God it has become plain to you that he is the prophet who has been sent and that it is he whom you find mentioned in your scripture..." (Ka'"b b.Asad's speech).4 See infra, Chapter YI.5 Genesis 9:5.

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY his life even to avoid violating biblical commands, the exception being the three cardinal sins, murder, adultery and idol-worship.Indeed concerning the three for which he must lay down his life, many authorities hold that he is to allow himself to be killed rather than violate them, but must not actively destroy himself.I There have been exceptions2 but the general rule is that while one should fight to death one should not die by his own hands, or murder.If this tribe of the Jewish priests could fight like the defenders of Masada, it could inflict very heavy losses on the starving Muslims.But the morale of the besieged Jews was so low that Kaeb's advice portended suicide rather than victory.Probably in the history of religious persecution Jews are the only minority group who while secretly remaining faithful to Judaism practised another religion which they or their ancestors had to adopt to save their lives.Marranos, Chuetas and Jadid al-Islam are some of the well known Crypto-Jews.3 But no one from the B.QuraY?:ah tried to save his life by accepting Islam.There is nothing intrinsically wrong in accepting that they all died as martyrs, but it seems to be too good to be true; it has the overtones of the story of the martyrs of Najran.In 723 A.D.the Byzantine emperor ordered the Jews of Asia Minor to em brace Christianity under pain of severe punishment; many Jews submitted to this decree.They "were of the opinion that the storm would soon blow over, and that they would be permitted to return to Judaism." 4 Earlier in 654 the Jews of Toledo bad to accept Christianity under similar circumstances.5 The second alternative was, therefore, neither in accordance with the Jewish law, nor Jewish practice, and was above all devoid of logic.The answer to the third alternative which Kaeb b.Asad had suggested also does not comply with the Jewish Jaw.In refusing to fight on the eve of the Sabbath the Jews of the B.Quran;ah said: "Are we to profane our Sabbath and do on the Sabbath what those 1 "Suicide", The Encyclopedia of Jewish Religion, 1965, p.367.2 Roman siege of Masada, Josephus, The Jewish War, Book VII, Chapters 8-9.Also the incident of R.Moses' wife, vide Abraham ibn Daud, Sefer ha-Qabbalah, The Book of Tradition tr.and ed.Gershon D.Cohen (Philadelphia, 1967), p.64.3 See Encyclopaedia Judaica, under Crypto-Jews and also under individual headings.4 Graetz, p.123.5 Ibid., p.103.75

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before us of whom you well know did and were turned into apes." 1 This answer betrays the superficiality which Muslim scholarship normally shows when dealing with Judaism.No wonder Margoliouth complains that "the most woeful ignorance is displayed by the com- pilers and interpreters of the Qur"'iin about the part played by the Jews".2 Since the Maccabean revolt (175-135 B.C.) a rule had been promulgated that the preservation of life overrides the observance of the Sabbath.3 All laws of the Sabbath or even the Day of Atone- ment can be overridden in the face of the sacred duty of preserving life.4 The reference to turning into apes is obviously an anachronism influenced by the later commentators on the Qur"'iin.This is a reference to the Qur"'iin where the word 'apes' has been figuratively used meaning that they became abject and humiliated men.5 There is no reference in Jewish literature to the conversion of Jews into apes because they profaned the Sabbath.Mujiihid b.Jabr (d.102/720), who is considered to be one of the great commentators on the Qur"iin and was a tiibiei does not believe in the physical transfor- mation of the Jews into apes.6 It would be reasonable to consider KaGb's speech to the B.Quray?ah on the eve of their surrender as mainly imaginary or distor- ted by later tradition.Al-Wiiqidi has provided an extended version with embellishments.7 It seems Ibn SaGd realized the impossibility of such an address and dropped the whole incident altogether from his account.(v) After this imaginary exchange between Kaeb b.Asad and the B.Quranah, the Apostle was requested to send Abii Lubiibah b.G Abd al-Mundhir for consultations.Abii Lubiibah, when he arrived, was asked whether he thought the Jews should submit to the Apostle's judgment."He said, 'Yes', and pointed with his hand to his throat, signifying slaughter.Abii Lubiibah said, 'My feet had not moved from the spot before I knew that I had been false to God and 1 lbn Hisham, p.686.2 Margoliouth, The Relations between Arab and Israelites..., p.71.3 "Sabbath", The Encyclopedia of the Jewish Religion, p.336.4 Berakhof 61 b, Mishnah Yo ma 8 :7.5 "And surely, you have known the end of those amongst you, who transgressed in the matter of Sabbath.So we said to them "Be ye apes, despised", The Qur•an, Al-Baqarah, 65.6 Ibn Kathir, Vol.I, p.104.7 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, pp.501-3.76'

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1'HE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY His Apostle'.1 Ibn Hisham (not Ibn Is~:i.q) quotes two verses from the Qur.,a11 about Abu Lub:i.bah's indiscretion.2 Both of the verses have been quoted in a doubtful context.The first verse: "O ye who believe! prove not false to Allah and the Messenger, nor prove false to your trusts knowingly" 3 was not revealed at the time of the Battle of the A/:lziib.It was revealed after the Battle of Badr (624/2).4 The second verse quoted by Ibn Hish:i.m is supposed to be about God's forgiveness of Abu Lub:i.bah: And there are others who have acknowledged their faults.They mixed a good work with another that was evil.It may be that Allah will turn to them with compassion, Surely Allah is Most Forgiving, MercifuJ.5 The above verse was actually revealed after the expedition to Tabiik (9/630) and refers to those true believers who stayed behind without permission.6 (vi) lbn Is]J.:i.q reports that in the morning the B.Quray{:ah submitted to the Apostle's judgment and the Aws leapt up and said, "O Apostle, they are our allies, not allies of the Khazraj and you know how you recently treated the allies of our brethren".When the Aws spoke thus the Apostle said, "Will you be satisfied, 0 Aws, if one of your men pronounces judgment on them?" When they agreed, the Apostle said Sa~d b.Muc.:i.dh was the man.7 Al-Wiiqidi 8 andlbn Sac.d9 also report the B.Quray~ah's surrender to the Apostle's judgment and the appointment of Sa'°d as bakam.But Ibn Sa'°d gives another report saying that they surrendered to the judgment of Sa'°d.10 1 lbn Hisham, p.686; al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.506; Ibn Sa"d, Vol.II, p.74.2 Ibo Hisham, pp.686-87.3 The Qur•an, Al-Anfiil, 27.4 Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Vol.II, p.301.The verse was revealed after Hatib b.Abu Balta "ah tried to send a letter to the Quraysh informing them of the Apostle's intended attack on them.See also al-Tabari, Ta/sir, Vol.XIII, p.480.5 The Qur•an, Al-Taubah, 102.6 Abu Luba bah, according to Ibn "Abbas, was one of these true believers who had stayed away from the expedition to Tabilk with the Apostle's permission and this verse was sent down about these people.Ibn Kathir, Vol.II, p.385; al-Tabari, Ta/sir, Vol.XIV, pp.447-453.7 Ibo Hisham, p.688.s Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, pp.509-10.9 Ibn Sa cd, Vol.II, pp.74-75.lO Ibid., p.77.77

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Both al-Bukhari 1 and Muslim2 give two contradictory reports, one saying that the B.Quray+ah surrendered to Sac.d's judgment and the other saying that they surrendered to the Apostle's judgment, who in turn appointed sac.d as bakam.(vii) When the Apostle appointed Sac.d as bakam his people came to him and said, "Deal kindly with our friends, for the Apostle has made you bakam for that very purpose".When they persisted Sac.d said, "The time has come for Sac.din the cause of Allah not to care for any man's censure".Hearing this clear pronouncement, some of the Aws went to the quarter of the B.c.Abd al-Ashhal (the sub- tribe of the A ws to which Sac.d belonged) and announced to them the death of the B.Quray+ah.3 Al-Waqidi's account is similar to th at of Ibn lsl;aq.4 lbn Sac.d has dropped the whole story of the inter- cession by the Aws on the B.Quray+ah's behalf.But he has referred to Sac.d's prayer that he might live till he had the pleasure of seeing the end of the B.Quray+ah.5 (viii) After this announcement of the approaching death of the B.Quranah to the people of the B.c.Abd al-Ashhal and Sac.d's prayer to have the pleasure of seeing the B.Quray+ah's end, the umpire arrives at the scene and asks the An~lir, according to Ibn Isl;aq, "Do you covenant by Allah that you accept the judgment I pronounce on them?' They said, 'Yes', and he said, 'And is it incumbent on the one who is here?" Oooking) in the direction of the Apostle not mentioning him out of respect, and the Apostle answered, "Yes".6 Al-Waqidi 7 gives a similar account but lbn Sac.d has dropped it.(ix) Sac.d's judgment was that "the mens should be killed, the property divided, and the women and children taken as captives".9 (x) After the judgment has been given lbn Is!Jaq quotes on the authority ofc.Asim b.c.umar b.Qatadah who told him that the Apostle 1 Al-Bukhari, Sahib, Chapter "Return of the Apostle from Al-Al;ziib'', Vol.V, pp.143-44.2 Sa/JilJ Muslim (Lahore, n.d.), l;fadith No.245 and 246, Vol.II, Kitiib al-Jihad, pp.1112, 1113.3 Ibn Hishiim, pp.688-9.4 Al-Wiigidi, Vol.II, pp.510-11.s Ibn Sa"d, Vol.II, p.77.6 Ibn Hishiim, p.689.7 Al-Wagidi, Vol.II, p.512.8 J~ )I J::Z 01 !'"'.-:; ~\ JL; Ibn Hishiim, p.689.9 Ibn Hishiim, p.689.78''

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERAC Y said to Sa"-d, "You have given the judgment of Allah above the seven heavens".1 (xi) The Apostle went out to the market and dug trenches in it.Then he sent for them and struck off their heads in those trenches.There were 600 to 900.2 The inner contradictions in the above account cannot be reconciled.To sum up Ibn IsJ:iaq's account, the fate of the B.Quray+ah was already decided by the Apostle: Abu Luba bah already knew it and having revealed it inflicted upon himself a self-imposed punish- ment.Sa"-d b.Mu"-adh wished to live till he had avenged the B.Qurayz;ah's treachery and when approached by the Aws he made it clear that in the cause of Allah he did not care for any man's censure.Furthermore he is the same Sa"-d who had gone to the B.Qurayzah before the Battle of the A/:lziib and when the Jews told him they had no agreement or understanding with the Apostle he "reviled them and they reviled him.He was a man of hasty temper and Sa"-d b."-Ubadah said to him, 'Stop insulting them, for the dispute between us is too serious for recrimination,".3 The Tradition reported by Abu Sa"-id al-Khudri and given by Al-Bukhari and Muslim is very difficult to accept; it means that the B.Qurayz;ah surrendered on the condition that the man who so recently reviled them and was praying for vengeance should be appointed their judge.They were inviting a death sentence.It may be noted that the first two reporters Abu Sa"'id al-Khudri and Abu Umamah were An~ari and were more interested in reporting the status of Sa"-d.This lf adith is shadhdh.and ijmiill.lbn l:lajar has unsuccessfully tried to reconcile its apparent contradiction with c A "'ishah's report by quoting lbn IsJ:iaq's account.4 By the time Sa"-d arrived to judge, the news of his intention to sentence them to death had reached the quarter of e.Abd al-Ashhal and yet he goes through the formalities of asking the A ws if they would accept his judgment and these very people who had asked for kind treatment for the B.Qurayz;ah, instead of denouncing him as prejudiced and as having disqualified himself as an impartial judge, say "Yes".Afterwards he asks the Apostle the same question and the Apostle, whose intention& were known to Abu Lubabh, who in turn had disclosed them to the B.Qurayzah, says, "Yes." Iflbn IsJ:iaq's account is correct, one is obliged 1 Ibn Hisham, p.689.2 Ibid., pp.689-90.3 Ibn Hishlim, p.675.4 Supra, pp.77-78, sub para.(vi).79

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to conclude that Sa"d's judgment was prearranged.~' It is not without reason that Caetani has questioned the whole account of Sa"d's selection by the B.Quray:?ah as bakam.1 The evidence is contradictory and mutually exclusive.It is not within the purview of a historian's task to express an opinion on Muhammad's claim to prophethood, but the belief of the Aws and Sa"d b.Mu"adh in his prophethood is a historical fact.The Aws and for that matter all the Muslims of Medina, who supposedly saw Abu Lubabah bound to one of the pillars in the mosque for being "false to God and his Apostle"2 and heard Sa"d praying for vengeance watched this "simulated justice",':' and yet there was not one who questioned it.The account given by lbn lsl}.aq, without his usual phrases of qualification such as za"ama or dhukira Ii or concluding remarks "God knows best", is rather unusual; it does not comply with his own standard of caution and scrupulousness.As we have seen earlier the incident concerning Abu Lubabah's self-imposed punishment does not fit into the context.It must be rejected."The story as we have it" Watt rightly points out, "must have been manipulated".3 The B.Quray {'.ah's choice of Sa"d as /:lakam does not stand to reason.Sa"d was not "Abd Allah b.Ubayy; there is not a single incident in his life which shows that the B.Quranah could depend on him in the way the B.Qaynuqa" did on "Abd Allah b.Ubayy.His loyalty to the Apostle and the cause of Islam was beyond doubt.Ibn Isl}.aq's report that the Apostle appointed Sa"d as the judge is supported not only by al-Waqidi but also by Ibn Sa"d.Above all it has the autho rity of al-Bukhari's second lf adith which is maifu" being reported by "A"'ishah, who was an eye witness of the whole affair.It seems to be more in line with the practice of the Apostle.In the absence of positive law during the earlier days of his stay in Medina the Apostle had adopted a policy of punishing a criminal through his kinsmen; it was based on two sound principles: there would be no tribal war of vengeance, and secondly it would be known that Islam had broken all tribal ties.Silkan b.Salamah b.Waqsh, who had conspired with Mul}.ammad b.Maslamahin killing ,:,.!.Cm.:i·..:;, 4 :, _,.; 1 Caetani, Annali dell' Islam, Vol.I, p.632.2 Ibn Hisham, p.686.3 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.18 8, 80 '

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY Ka"b b.al-Ashraf, was Ka"b's foster brother.1 "A~mii bint Marwan who was married to a man of B.Khatmah was killed by "Umayr b."Adiy al-Kha!mi2 and Abfi "Afak who belonged to the B."'Amr b."'A wf of the B."'Ubaydah clan was killed by Siilim b."'Umayr of the B."'Amr b."'Awf.3 All these three were killed by their own kinsmen, with the approval of the Apostle, for fomenting trouble between the Muslims and the pagans and for whipping up hatred against the Apostle.It would therefore have been natural that if the B.Quray¥lh were to be judged they should be judged by a man from their {ialif, the Aws.Ibn Sa"d with his usual caution has dropped lbn Is.l:iiiq's and al-Wiiqidi's story of Sa"'d's remarks that the time had come for him in the cause of Alliih not to care for any man's censure, Sa"'d's ceremonial request for a pledge from the Aws and the Apostle to abide by his ruling, and the story of the Aws' intercession with Sa"d on behalf of the B.Quray~ah.Obviously they added ornament to the narrative of a story-teller, but divested it of the reliability of a historian's account.Now the actual sentencing.According to Ibn Is.l:iiiq, Sa"'d said "the men should be killed".4 In another report Ibn Isl.1iiq says that "the Apostle had ordered that every adult of theirs should be killed.5 This report rests on the authority of "Atiyah al-Qura:?i, who was a boy at the time of the B.Quray7,ah's surrender.Both of these reports are of doubtful authority.According to al-Waqidi "those should be killed over whom the razor had passed".6 lbn Sa"d has given two reports; in one he has followed al-Wiiqidi's wording 7 and in the second he says, "their fighting men should be killed".8 Al-Bukhari has given two reports of the incident.In both of them Sa""d b.Muc.adh is reported to have used the word "fighting men"g 1 lbn Hishiim, p.551.~ Ibid., p.996.3 Ibid., p.995., Jl':" )I j::.A;.JI r- 1..J ~j ~l; Ibn Hisham, p.698.5..::...,;\ 0- Jf •l.;;.) ,);; 0- j::.Q.~.Ji _,.1....; ~.<iii J_,~_,.)~ Ibid.,p.69.6 <..$~_,.JI <::k U.J':" u• J:.i;.<.ii ('""f':;...-<::~1 Jl; Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.512.7 Ibn Saed, Vol.II, p.75.8 Ibid., p.77.('""f':.l.;Li.J:.<;.Ji r--1"=; ~,..; 9 j;l.i.Raghib al-hfahani, Al-Muf-radiit fi Gharib al-Qur 0 iin (Cairo, n.d.), see under J:i pp.593-94; Ibn Man;i:iir, Lisiin al- e Arab, (Beyrouth, 1956) Vol.II, pp.547-52, 81

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and not adult.According to the first report he said : 'Slay their fighting men and take captive their families'.1 In the second report, he said : 'Slay the fighting men and take captive their women and children'.2 Sabfb Muslim has also given two reports using the same word, muqiitil, that al-Bukhari used.3 Ibn Isl).aq's second report, that every adult should be killed, may be ruled out first.There is general consensus that the Apostle in the case of the B.Quranah did not give any orders.The first order to 'kill all men" is neither in keeping with the Traditions of al-Bukhari and Muslim nor with the second report of Ibn Sa"-d.Al-Waqidi's wording is more colourful but not exact.Since old men cannot be killed 4 the killing was limited to muqiitil, the fighting men.According to Ibn Isl).aq, 600 to 900 men of the B.Quray~ah were executed.It is not known what was the total strength of the B.Quray~ah.If each family is taken to consist of six persons-and this is a low average-3,600 to 5,400 men, women and children must have surrendered.They were all confined in the house of Bint al-I;Iiirith, a woman of the B.al-Najjar, and bound with ropes.Incarce- ration of four to five thousand persons can create problems even in a large town in the present age of crime, police and jails.If Ibn Isl).iiq is to be believed, Medina must have been a very well-organized town which could provide detention arrangements for such a large number of prisoners.How much rope was used and what was the area of Bint al-I:Iiirith's house? Were the prisoners fed? What sanitary arrangements were provided for such a large number of people in a town where there were no toilets and even women went out in the darkness for such necessities.5 None of these prisoners tried to 1 Al-Bukhari, $al;il;, Chapter "Return of the Apostle from Al-A/.lziib and his expedition to the B.Quray:i:ah and their siege".Vol.V, p.143.2 Ibid., p.144.3 $al;il; Muslim, l;ladith No.245 and 246, Vol.II, pp 1112 and 1113.4 "Do not kill old people, children, young ones and women", AbuDii 0 iid, "Kitiib al-Jihad", Vol.II, p.342.5 c.A 0 ishah reports: "We did not have those privies which foreigners have in their houses; we loathe and detest them; our practice was to get out into the open spaces of Medina".lbn Hishiim, p.733.Al-Bukhari also gives a similar report from c.A 0 ishah, Chapter "l;Iadith al-Ifk," Book V, p.J 50.

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY escape and the Muslims seem to have no difficulty in locking up these tame prisoners.lbn Isl,iii.q reports again without clear isnad, "Then the Apostle went out to the market and dug trenches in it".1 lbn Isl,iii.q has used the words fakhandaqa biha khanadiqa.2 It is interesting that al-Wii.qidi has dropped this wording and instead used the words fa amara bikhududin.3 The word khudud for trench is ofa doubtful nature4, but al-Wii.qidi, obviously, used it because some of the classical commentators of the Qur"'an consider that the a~hab al-ukhdud 5 were the Christians of Najrii.n who were massacred by the Jewish king Dhii Nuwii.s.Most probably al-Wii.qidi was aware of the role of the Jews of Yathrib in inciting Yusuf Dhu Nuwii.s to make war against Najrii.n.6 e Ali and Zubayr were the executioners, and the prisoners were brought in batches.7 lbn Isl,iii.q says : As they were taken out in batches to the Apostle they asked Ka"b what he thought would be done with them.He replied, "Will you never understand? Don't you see that the summoner never stops and those who are taken away do not return? By Allah it is death!" 8 These are the people who had surrendered to the judgment of Saed who had condemned all the adult males to be executed.It seemed they knew nothing about this sentence of death.But the woman who was sitting with e.A"ishah as the "Apostle was killing her men", and was laughing a great deal, knew that she was to be killed.When her name was suddenly called c.A"'ishah cried, "What is the matter?" 'I am to be killed', she replied." "eA"'ishah used to say'', lbn lsl)ii.q continues, 'I shall never forget her cheerfulness and her great laugh, when all the time she knew that she was to be killed'.9 I;Iuyayy b.Akhtab died bravely and al-Zii.bir b.Bii.tii.al-Qura?i refused to take advantage of the pardon given to him and his family.1 Ibn Hisham, pp.689.2 Ibid., pp.689-90.3 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.513.4 R.B.Serjeant, "Ukhdiid", BSOAS, XXII (1959), p.572.5 Ibn Kathir, Vol.IV, pp.494-95.6 Irfan Shahid, The Martyrs of Najriin: New Docume11ts, p.268.7 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.513.8 Ibn Hisham, p.690.9 Ibn Hisham, pp.690-91.The story must be rejected; neither al-Bukhari nor Muslim who report from "'A"ishah have accepted it.83

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The same people who cowardly refused to fight on a Sabbath and in spite of being safe in their castles had lost their morale, died as heroes.None of the 900 wavered or accepted Islam even in the face of death.It has all the common features of a religious massacre, even though the account has been provided by the partisans of the perpetrators of the slaughter.I.The victims were outnumbered by their opponents; (Najran and Masada); 2.They lost because of treachery ; 3.There are always some who stand out as heroes (l;Iuyayy b.Akhtab, Zllbir b.Bata") ; 4.There are no waverers and no forced converts ; 5.Few are left to give the details of the horror.And like most massacres it is not true to life.The first part of lbn lsi)aq's story gives us a picture of demoralized people trying to avoid fighting at any cost; the second part paints for us a picture of heroes ready to die for their faith.Walking in a flowered robe in which he bad made holes so that no one might take it as spoil, I;Iuyayy b.Akhtab addressed the Apostle : By God, I do not blame myself for opposing you, but he who forsakes God will be forsaken.The discrepancies in Ibn lsJ:iaq's account do uot end here.The B.Quray:('.ah lived at a six to seven hours' walking distance from Medina.1 On surrender they were brought to Medina and kept in a house.The next morning trenches were dug in the market place to bury the executed people.It is surprising that a general of the Apostle's astute knowledge of strategy and logistics would have brought nearly five thousand captives-nine hundred of them to be slain-all the way to Medina and bury them right in the middle of the town.It would have been far better, safer and more efficient to make short shrift of them outside their forts, and then to take only the women and children to Medina.' The problem of the security of prisoners, and of sanitation in Medina, would have been solved.If they had to be marched to Medina then there was a ready-made trench which was dug outside Medina only a month back.It was not far.1 According to Ibn Isl)aq, the Muslims left Medina at noontime and reached the B.Quray~ah after the last evening prayers.Ibn.Hisham, p.685.84·

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY Since the captives included women, children, and old and sick people they must have walked to Medina at a much slower pace- ten to eleven hours.Neither during this march nor during their captivity in the house of Bint al-Harith did any incident take place.No one tried to escape except c Amr b.Sueda al-Qura?i, and no one accepted Islam to save his life except Rifa"-a b.Samaw?al al-Qura?i.It was both a tame and a brave crowd.If the story is true the martyrs who fell under Bar Kochba (A.D.J 32) against overwhelming odds were nothing in comparison to the martyrs of the B.Quray?ah.The disposal of nine hundred bodies did not seem to have posed any problems.The trenches neatly dug were filled by the same night.There was apparently a complete absence of any sentiment among the Muslims who watched this execution.It must have been a shatter- ing experience for many and an unforgettable event even for those who thought it to be fully justified.Several heart-rending incidents must have taken place during the day; some must have tried to struggle and run, others would have uttered words of dismay and repentence, and there must have been many who either did not die at the first blow, or died of fright even before the executioner's sword struck.Swords must have blunted and broken.cAli and Zubayr, who were the execu- tioners, must have faced several problems, and witnessed many facets of human nature on that day.But neither "-Ali nor Zubayr, in fact no one, ever later mentioned anything about his experience of this execution.A detailed scrutiny indicates that the whole story of this massacre is of a very doubtful nature.As Ibn Khaldiin has pointed out "the rule of distinguishing what is true from what is false in history is based on its possibility or impossibility".1 We have already pointed out that Medina in the Apostle's time was not equipped to imprison four to five thousand people and execute 600 to 900 people in a day.Killing such a large number of people and disposing of the dead bodies created problems even for Nazi Germany, with hydrogen cyanide2 as an efficient lethal agent.A massacre in the midst of a town where people live is very different from a massacre in a town which is being sacked by a conquering army marchlng onwards from town to town with dead bodies left to make it uninhabitable.1 Vide R.A.Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs (Repr.Cambridge, 1966), p.438.2 Raul Hilberg, ed.Documents of Destruction: Germany and Jewry 1933-1945 (Chicago, 1971), p.219.85

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Under these conditions it is almost impossible that the people of Medina should have escaped typhoid, typhus, both epidemic and endemic, influenza, diarrhoea and above all cholera.As regards the dead bodies the infection would depend on the animals and birds having access to the remains.But even if there were only flies, and the people whose corpses were lying there had all been healthy, the proliferation of agents, especially bacterial agents, after death would have been a health hazard, since the healthy may be carriers of dangerous diseases such as meningococcus.Discussing the mass execution of the B.Quray?:ah under "the alleged moral failures" of the Apostle, Watt has remarked : This may seem incredible to the European, but that is in itself a measure of remoteness of the moral ideals of ancient Arabia from our own.1 But the effect of such a mass execution on the spectators and executioners is not related to moral values-ancient or modern.The human psyche, as is well known to students of psychology, may have nothing to do with a sense of duty, or political and religious obligations.Executioners, grave diggers, undertakers deal with death in the ordinary course of life as an honest and moral profession, nevertheless this continuous association with death creates suffering and terror of blood guilt.2 No one could come out of such a holocaust-600 to 900 killed in cold blood in one day-without damage to his personality.e Ali and Zubayr's holocaust legacy of massive deadness would not have left them in peace.Though Zubayr's life is not fully known to us, we do know well enough about the life of the fourth Caliph of Islam.His sermons, letters, political discourses and sayings collected in Nahj al-Balaghah do not reflect experience of such a mass execution.His scruples in "retaliation", among other aspects of his personality, "cannot be disregarded for the understanding that it affords of his psychology".3 After his victory at 'the camel', "he tried to relieve the distress of the vanquished by preventing the enslavement of their women and children, in face of the protests of a group of his partisans ; when battles ended, he showed his grief, wept for the dead, and even prayed over his enemies".4 e.AH was a brave soldier, not a 1 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.327.2 Barbara Levy, Legacy of Death (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1974).3 L Veccia Vaglieri, """Ali b.Abi Talib", Encyclopaedia of Islam (2) Vol.I, p.385.4 Ibid.86 ,

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY hard-hearted executioner.""Ali's partner in the execution, al-Zubayr b.al-"" Awwiim, was also renowned for gallantry and took part in all the great battles and campaigns of the Apostle's lifetime.The very idea of such a massacre by persons who neither before nor after the killing showed any sign of a dehumanised personality is inadmissible from a psychological point of view.To write history, one must know how to count.1 lbn Jsl).iiq, al-Wiiqidi and lbn Sa""d could not only count, but took care, wherever possible, to check their information.But they were writing approxi- mately two centuries after the event and had no way of checking the number of people executed.Six hundred to nine hundred, given by lbn Isl).iiq, is an impressionistic round figure.There was no method of taking a tribal census at that time.Circumstantial evidence such as tax figures,jizyah and kharaj accounts and the register of pension payments to the Companions were introduced in ""Umar's time.Nabia Abbott 2 in discussing the number of Muslim martyrs of Bj<'r Ma""iinah (4/625) pointed out that Ibn Isl).iiq gave the number of people sent to Bi""r Ma""iinah by the Apostle as forty.a Ibn I;Ianbal4 and al-Bukhiiri 5 however reported seventy, which is now accepted.According to Ibn I;Iabib 6 , however, the number of the missionaries who went was thirty.Since the whole party was massacred and only one companion was left alive, sixty-nine companions were killed.But al-Waqidi lists only sixteen.Ibn Sa""d has not given any list, but taking account of all the entries in Ibn Sa"d one cannot arrive at a figure of more than twenty slain.There is a discrepancy of forty-nine.Even if the conservative figure of Ibn Isl;laq is taken into account, there is a fifty per cent exaggeration.Kister, who has collected all the available versions of the incident and analysed them, has reached the conclusion that the Apostle sent 1 Georges Lefebvre's dictum, Pour faire de l'histoire, ilfaut savoir compter, quoted by David Thompson, The Aims of History (London, 1969), p.84.(Cf.) Ibn Khaldiln: "It is the common desire for sensationalism, the ease with which one may just mention a higher figure, and the disregard of reviewers and critics".The Muqaddimah tr.by Franz Rosenthal (Rev.ed., Princeton, 1970), p.13.2 Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, I, pp.76-77.3 Ibn Hisham, pp.648-49.4 Al)mad ibn Mul)ammad ibn l;lanbal, Al-Musnad (6 volumes, Cairo, 1895), Vol.III, p.196.5 Al-Bukhari, SaW;.Ill, p.91.6 Mul)ammad Ibn I;Iabib, Kitiib al-Mu(iabbar, (Hyderabad, 1942), p.118.87

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a group of fourteen companions, who were later joined by four more men.1 One finds the same tendency to exaggerate when dealing with the Jewish persecution of the Christians of Najran, who were probably punished for the so-called treason during the first Abyssinan invasion of the Jewish kingdom of Yemen.2 The number of Christian martyrs according to Simeon of Beth Arsham, who received the information from "those who came from Najran" was two thousand.a Bell considers that a "moderate number" of 200 seems to be more correct.4 Baron considers "that some probably minor local persecution was exaggerated".5 "The entire account is so completely legendary" says Graetz "that it is impossible to discover any historical fact".6 "The simplest answer", Nabia Abbott suggests, "would be to dismiss it as one more example of a well-known and widespread phenomenon, namely that relayed numbers tend to grow and multiply with time." 7 It is significant that neither al-Bukhari nor Muslim reported any Tradition on the actual execution of Saed's judgment.Since they did not report how Saed's judgment was carried out they also did not report on the number of people killed or taken prisoner.The story that the captive women and children of the B.Quray:?ah were sent to the Najd to be sold for horses and weapons does not agree with the practice.8 The Jews always bought their captives from Arabs after evary skirmish.9 The Jews of Khaybar, including the B.al-Na<;lir, Wadi al-Qura, Tayma"", and even Medina itself were capable of buying these captives and, as al-Waqidi says, they bought them.10 The Muslims, if interested in the money at all, were interested in it to buy weapons and horses.It made no difference to them if the captives were sold in the Najd or Khaybar.In fact it seemed to be far l M.J.Kister, "The Expedition of Bi'r Ma~unah", Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of Hamilton A.R.Gibb, ed.George Makdisi (Leiden, 1965), pp.337-57.2 The date of the massacre is controversial; See Irfan Shahid, The Martyrs of Najriin, pp.235-42.3 Ibid., p.64.4 Richard Bell, The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment (London, 1926), p.38.5 Baron, Vol.Ill, p.67.6 Graetz, Vol.III, p.65.1 Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, I, p.77.s Ibn Hisham, p.693.9 Ibid., p.253.10 AI-Wilqidi, Vol.II, pp.522-24.88

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY more convenient to sell them in the I;Iijaz than to travel with such a large number of captives to the Najd.Finally, according to Ibn Isl)aq, the Apostle divided the property of the B.Quray+ah among the Muslims."On that day he declared the shares of horses and men, and took out the khums (the fifth).A horseman received three shares, two for the horse and one for the rider; a man without a horse got one share....It was the first booty on which lots were cast and the khums was taken.According to the precedent set on this occasion, divisions were made, and it became the custom for raids".1 In view of considerable controversy on the share of a horseman Ibn Isl)aq's report assumes great importance because it sets two precedents regarding the spoil of war: the share of the horseman and the procedure of casting lots on the booty and taking the khums.Abii.I;Ianifa gives one share to the rider and one to the horse, while al-Awzaci (d.157/774) gives one to the rider and two to the horse.Imam Shafici ( 150/767-204/820) has dealt with the subject and quoted several authorities on the question without any reference to Ibn lsl)aq's reports.2 Abu Yii.suf3 (d.182/798), one of the founders of the I;Ianafi school of law, in his well-known treatise on public finance, taxation and other related matters, Kitiib al-Khariij, also does not mention the share of the horseman fixed on the defeat of the B.Quray:;r;ah.As regards khums, Abu Yii.sufis quite categorical: no khums was taken from the property of the B.Quray:;r;ah.4 Yal)ya b.Adam,5 writing his Kitiib al-Khariij approximately twenty years after Abu Yusuf and dealing with the same subject does not mention the B.Quray:;r;ah at all.Imam Shaffi, Abu Yusuf and Yal)ya b.Adam, who were compiling judicial works based on authentic tradi- tions and well-established precedents, did not consider either Ibn Isl)aq's account or the current qii$$ material reliable.6 Ibn lsl)aq's account of the punishment of the B.Quray:;r;ah is a plethora of self-contradictory statements.So are the accounts of 1 Ibn Hisham, pp.692-93.Al-Waqidi has expanded it into more than four pages (Vol.II, pp.521-22).Ibn Sa"d has not mentioned anything about the property of the B.Quray+ah.2 Shafi"i, Kitiib al-Umm, Vol.VII, pp.337-342.3 Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad, XIV, pp.242 ff.Ibn Khallikan, No.834.4 Abo Yusuf, Kitiib al-Khariij (Cairo, 1346 A.H.), p.81.5 Supra, Chapter Ill.6 It confirms the view expressed earlier that most of Ibn lsl)aq's account is not based on al-Zuhri.Abu Yusuf frequently quotes al-Zuhri in his book.89

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al-W:i.qidi and Ibn Sac.d.The account as given by them is untrust- worthy both in detail and substance.Fortunately Ibn Isi):i.q has left some telltale references which help us to reconstruct the incident in conformity with the information which the Qur?:i.n gives on the subject.Since an author, writing with a bias is more likely to be unguarded and truthful in his casual reference, we could perhaps rely more on the evidence adduced in the following disquisition.Since "Arab culture was basically oral, and poetry was its documentary evidence and the best means of preserving traditions'',1 we shall look into some of the verses which Ibn Isi):i.q has preserved and Ibn Hish:i.m has not rejected as spurious.On the day of Quran:ah, by which Ibn Isl;i:i.q seems to mean the last day of their siege, the battle was probably heavy.Three Muslims lost their lives on that day.2 It is not known how many men of the B.Quran:ah died in the battle.The fighting must have beeri fierce.Hassan b.Th:i.bit said: Quray:i:a met their misfortune And in humiliation found no helper, A calamity worse than that which fell B.al-Na9ir befell them With fresh horses bearing horsemen like hawks.We left them with the blood upon them like a pool They having accomplished nothing.They lay prostrate with vultures circling round them.3 After their defeat they surrendered to the Apostle.A party (farfq ) 4 from among them who had fought but not taken a leading part was taken prisoner.5 The leaders of the B.Quranah were, however, left to the judgment of Sa"'d b.Mu"':i.dh.There are indications that the sentencing of these leaders was done right on the spot.As al-Samhiid1 has.pointed out, Saed was brought to the Quranah mosque 1 A.A.Duri, "The Iraqi School of History to the Ninth Century-A Sketch", Historians of the Middle East, ed.by Bernard Lewis and P.M.Holt (London.1962), p.47.2 Ibn Hishiim, pp.69 9- 700.3 Ibn Hisham, p.712, Guillaume's translation.4 Raghib, see under farq " a company of men ap a rt from others" :iiy<::JI •~~I.:,;_rT ,:r.Edward William Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon (London, 1863) Book I, Part 6, p.2385,fariq, "party more in number or larger than firqah, which means 'a party, portion, division sect or distinct body or class of men.' Ibn Manzur, Vol.X, p.300, "firqah is party of men and fariq is larger than firqah".5 The Qur 0 an, Al-Al;ziib, 26, "You took a party captive".9(J'

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY and not to the mosque of Medina.1 The Jfadith in both al-Bukhari and Muslim suggests that Sac.d, who was mortally wounded in the battle, went to a mosque.His tent was so close to the Apostle's mosque in Medina that in his grave condition it was not necessary to bring him there.Sac.d decreed that the combatants from among the leaders should be executed.Probably the main leaders included old men and ordained priests, who were not combatants, hence the word 'combatants'.This party (fariq) was not brought to Medina, but was beheaded 2 at the spot.The leaders, I:Iuyayy b.Akh!ab, Ka"'b b.Asad3, Nabbash b.Qays and Ghazzal b.Samaw"al4 were executed by "'AH and Zubayr.5 In conformity with the policy adopted by the Apostle that executions should be carried out by a member of the tribe who is in alliance with the tribe of the guilty party minor leaders were handed over to the Aws.Two of the condemned were given to each of the clans or sub- clans of the Aws; (i) "'Abd al-Ashhal; (ii) Ijarithah; (iii) Zafar; (iv) Mu"'awiyah; (v) "'Amar b."'Awf; and (vi) Umayyah b.Zayd, so that all the clans were involved in· the blood of the B.QuraY?.ah.6 The culpable leadership of a tribe of 600 to 900 men; especially when some of them have already been killed in the battle and one group has been taken captive would not normally exceed sixteen, or seventeen accounted for in the above analysis.The decision to help the Al;ziib must have been taken by the leaders and the elders ' of the B.Quray:(:ah.The whole tribe could not be given the same punishment that was in store for their leaders.The Apostle himself was bound by the Qur"anic maxim of just retribution; "an eye for an eye and a life for a life."7 This principle, as we have shown earliers, had been agreed upon both by the Muslims and the Jews, for we find it formalized in the $abifah: "a person acquires guilt against himself." 9 1 Al-Samhiidi, Vol.III, p.824.The place where the Apostle prayed during the siege was converted into a mosque.2 The Qur•an, Al-Abziib, 26, "You slew a party".3 Ibn Hishiim, p.690.4 Al-Wiiqidi, Vol.II, p.516.5 Al-Wiiqidi, p.513.6 Ibn Hishiim, p.554.AJ-Wiiqidi, pp.515-16.7 The Qur•an, A/-Baqarah, 178.8 Supra, Chapter II.D Ibn Hishiim, p.344.91

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The Qur"an mentions only two groups which were punished: one was executed and the other was taken captive.Unfortunately Ibn Isl,laq and other maghiizi writers were not interested in those members of the B.Quray'.('.ah who were not punished.Some of them might have stayed ·and others (as Jabal b.Jawwal al-Tha"'labi said) might have migrated: 0 Sa"d, Sa"d of B.Mu"adh, For what befell Quray?ah and al-Na<;llr.By thy life, Sa 0 d of B.Mu"adh The day they departed was indeed steadfast.1 In the whole affair of the B.Quranah Sac.d b.Mu"adh plays the most important role, and the account of his appointment as the judge is the most controversial and confusing element in it, as we have noted earlier.The sirah writers generally agree that the Apostle appointed him as a judge to satisfy the A ws; out of the two reports al-Bukhari and Muslim give, one agrees with the sirah writers and the other says that the B.Quranah surrendered to sac.d b.Muc.adh's judgment.The reports of his appearance on the scene as the judge seem to be concerned with details regarding his personal status and standing; when the Apostle called Sa"d b.Muc.adh Sayyid, a chief, did he mean Sayyid of the An~iir only or the Muhiijiri1n as well; how did the Apostle describe the sentence pronounced by Sac.d: did he compare his sentence with the judgment of Allah, the angel, or the King?2 While the controversy throws some light on dissent and friction among the An~iir.and Muhiijiri1n, the significance of the whole episode seems to lie else- where.Al-Nawawi (d.676/1277) commenting on the Sabif1 Muslim report of Sac.d's judgment says: In their disputes Muslims are allowed to resort to tabkim.There is general consensus on this principle; Khawiirij, however, do not accept it.The I;Iadith also establishes 1 Ibn Hisham, p.713.Guillaume's translation.2 See W.Montgomery Watt, "The Condemnation of the Jews of Banii Quray,.:ah", The Muslim World, XLII (3 July, 1952), pp.160-171 for the different versions of the reports about Sa"d's appointment as bakam.The heading of Watt's learned article though not incorrect is misleading; it deals partly with Caetani's charge that "the tradition has tried to remove from Mul:tammad the direct responsibility for the inhuman massacre" of the B.Quray:i:ah and partly considers how Schacht's "methods and conclusions (in Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudenc e) affect the study of historical traditions".He has not dealt either with Sa 0 d's judgment, its execution, or the events leading to the "massacre".

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THE FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERACY the principle that once a l;akam has given his judgment it will be enforced, it is not possible for any one to disobey it, although before the judgment is pronounced, one can refuse to abide by it.1 For Abu Yusuf also the importance of the B.Quranah incident lies in ta/:lkim.He gives it under the rules of ta(1kim.2 The only time ta/:lkfm became a matter of controversy between Muslims was when arbitrators were appointed on behalf of GAli and Mucawiyah at $iffin.While the Khawi'irij protested against tabkim c Ali did not repudiate the convention of $iffin.As it is well-known, Mu"awiyah gained by the result of the arbitration.It is not necessary to repeat the main events here, but it is possible that the lf adith of Sacd's judgment of the B.Quray+ah strengthened the Umayyad's cause.Had this precedent sought to be established by Sa"d's judgment been really authentic, it would certainly have appeared during the controversy between c Ali and the Khawi'irij.Ibn c Abd al-Barr has reported in full the debate which took place between "Abd Allah b."Abbas and the Khawiirij on the question of ta/:lkfm in Jami" Bayiin al- c Jim wa Faeflihi3, but there is no reference to Sa'"d's appointment as bakam in that debate.The story as reported by Ibn Isl;tiiq and others had not been forged by then.It is reasonable to conclude that a minor and unimportant incident in which probably Sacd b.Mu"iidh was involved in dealing with the B.Quray+ah was blown up out of proportion by pro-Umayyad Tradition collectors.In course of time while the ta/:lkim controversy became irrelevant due to the Abbasid revolution, the reason for investing this minor incident with the force of an important precedent was also forgotten.The incident of the B.Quranah 4 occurred before the armistice ofJ:Iudaybiyah and the peace with Khaybar were achieved.It is impossible that the pagans and the muniifiqlln would have remained muted.When Jal;tsh violated the sacred month and shed blood therein, when the palms of the B.al-Na<;Iir were burnt, when the Apostle married the divorced wife of his adopted son, the people criticised and the Qur.,iin defended the Apostle.5 It is improbable that the Apostle's critics would have paid less attention to the lives of the B.Quray+ah 1 Al-Nawawi's commentary on the margin of Sabi/; Muslim, Vol.II, pp.1112-13.2 Abii Yusuf, Kittib al-Khartij, pp.238-40.3 (Cairo, 1320 A.H.) pp.162-63.~ Ibn Hishiim, pp.423-27.5 Ibid., p.654.93

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than to the palms of the B.al-Nac;lir.That the news of this "massacre" did not reach Syria, which included Jerusalem and Adhra""at, with which the Medina Jews had contacts, and the Exilarchate in Iraq, which exercised religious authority over them, is highly unlikely.The $a/;lifah gives the names of seven Jewish tribes who became part of the ummah"l.Ibn Isl;iaq gives us two additional names.2 Unfortunately the maghlizi-writers, the jurists and the l;ladith collectors have left no information about these Jews.They showed interest only in the three Jewish clans who either joined the munlijiqfm of Medina or the Quraysh of Mecca or both in opposing the Apostle, and even that interest was limited to their conflict with the Muslims.As soon as the conflict was over they lost interest in them as well.1 See Chapter II for the definition of the 'ummalz', in the context of this document.2 Supra, Chapter II.94

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CHAPTER V THE LAST.ENCOUNTER the hot-bed of anti-Muslim intrigue at Khaybar.- MAXIME RODINSON After the banishment of the B.al-Nac;lir from Medina and the discomfiture of the B.Quray+ah, Khaybar assumed great importance.The B.al-Nac;lir settled there after their expulsion from Medina and made it the centre of their activities to avenge their expulsion from Medina.The Jewish poet Sammiik warned the Muslims : Haply time and the change of fortune Will take revenge from 'the just and righteous one' 1 For killing al-Nac;lir and their confederates And for cutting down the palms, their dates ungathered Unless I die we will come at you with lances And every sharp sword that we have In the hand of a brave man who protects himself.When he meets his adversary he kills him.With the army is r;>akhr 2 and his fellows.When he attacks he is no weakling Like a lion in Tarj protecting his covert, Lord of the thicket, crushing his prey enormous.3 But Sakhr had been defeated in the Battle of al-Al;iziib and the B.Quray+ah had also been expelled from Medina, while their leaders- including Ka"'b b.Asad and J:Iuyayy b.Akh!ab, the leader of the B.al-Nac;lir (and the father-in-law of Kiniiniih b.al-Rabi"' b.Abu al- J:Iuqayq)-had been executed.The recent defeat of the Confederates, whom the Jewish leaders had collected after a great diplomatic effort, had created a critical situation for the Jewish leadership.The Jews 1...;......WI J J, WI , a sarcastic reference to the Apostle.2 Abu Sufyiin.3 lbn Hishiim, p.658.Guillaume's translation.95

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of Medina having lost influence and power, it was now up to the Jews of Khaybar to salvage what was left of their prestige and above all to find a modus vivendi with the rising power of Islam.They had several advantages.Khaybar unlike Yathrib was a homogeneous state of Jews and was thus free from Arab alliances and tribal feuds.It was rich, its strongholds were self-contained, and it could stand a long siege.It could either negotiate a peace with the Apostle from a position of strength or become a garrison state, an Arabian Sparta, to ensure survival.If history was any guide, it would be self-defeating, for its lines of communications were not safe for all time.The tribes which were hostile to Islam could change sides.The Meccans had already signed a peace treaty with the Apostle.Abu Rafi'° Sallam b.Abu al-I;Iuqayq, who succeeded I;Iuyayy b.Akhtab, made lavish though judicious use of the B.al-Na<;lir's wealth to induce the neighbouring Arabs and especially the strong tribe of Ghatafan to join the Jews of Khaybar against the Muslims.Finally he succeeded in collecting a large army.1 The Khazraj, having obtained the Apostle's permission, sent a party under the leadership of" Abd Allah b."Atik to kill him.Muslims thought that by removing the leader it would be possible to avoid large scale blood- shed.After Sallam's assassination, al-Yusayr b.Zarim took over the leadership.He gathered the Jewish tribes and addressed them saying "My predecessors had adopted wrong tactics to oppose Muhammad; the best thing is to attack his stronghold and I intend to do so".2 The news of al-Yusayr's intentions created anxiety in Medina.So the Apostle sent "Abd Allah b.Rawa].iah together with three other persons to investigate the truth."Abd Allah b.Rawa].iah returned to Medina and confirmed the news.Since the Muslims did not want war and were depressed with the seemingly unfavourable terms of the Treaty of I;Iudaybiyah 3 , "Abd Allah b.Rawa].iah was sent again.But this time he was on an official mission and was accompanied by thirty other persons.On behalf of the Apostle, he proposed nego- tiations.The Muslims were ready to try for peace by offering al-Yusayr an honourable appointment as the chief of whole Khaybar.Since the distrust was mutual, al-Yusayr left for Medina with thirty of his own guards.The arrangement was that each Muslim would be 1 Ibn Hisham, p.714; Ibn Sacd, Vol.II, p.90.2 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.566.a See Chapter VI for a discussion of the treaty.96 ,,

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THE LAST ENCOUNTER accompanied by a Jew.However, in al-Qarqarah, which is about six miles from Khaybar, al-Yusayr changed his mind about going to the Apostle.In that atmosphere charged with suspicion al-Yusayr made a move to draw his sword, but "Abd Allah b.Unays was quick to perceive his intention, rushed at him and killed him.1 It was an unfortunate incident.Neither Ibn Sa"d nor Ibn Isl;iaq say that it was a ruse.In fact the Apostle's remarks to "Abd Allah b.RawaJ;iah on his return indicate that the Apostle did not anticipate the incident.He said, "It was Allah who saved you from this company of oppressors."2 If al-Yusayr, however, thought it was a ruse, he was not unjustified; "'Abd Allah b.Rawal;iah and "Abd Allah b.Unays were the An~iir who had already killed two Jewish leaders, Ka"b b.al-Ashraf and Abu Rafi" Sallam b.Abu al-I;Iuqayq, by deception.This unfortunate incident must have exacerbated the situation.The Jews were now in active negotiations with the Ghatafan to join them in attacking Medina.Khaybar became a rallying point of anti-Muslim forces.Both sides were getting ready for a final battle.The Jews at Khaybar, homogeneous, strong and safe in their forts, Muslims depressed by the peace at I;Iudaybiyah (6/628), uncertain of the waverers at Medina and surrounded by Arab tribes who were still uncertain of this new message and religion, both weighed their chances and waited.The incident of Dhii Qarad, however, clinched the issue for the Muslims.They had no choice, but to deal immediately with the situation of Khaybar.Ibn Isl;iaq3, al-Waqidi4 and Ibn Sa"-d5 have placed it before I;Iudaybiyah, whereas it took place immediately before the Apostle's expedition to Khaybar.Al-Tabari 6 , reported it from Salamah b."-Amr b.al-Akwa" al-Aslami who was himself involved in this attack and rightly places it after I;Iudaybiyah; so does al-Bukhari, 7 who also reports from Salamah b.al-Akwa", and dates it three days before the expedition to Khaybar.It so happened that "'Uyaynah b.J:Ii~n b.J:Iudhayfah b.Badr al-Fazari with the cavalry of the Ghatafan raided the Apostle's milch camels in al-Ghabah.A man of the Banii 1 Ibn Hisham, p.981.Ibn Sa"d, Vol.II , p.92.2 Ibn Saed, Vol.II, pp.92-3.3 Ibn Hisham, pp.719-20.' 1 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, pp.537-549.5 Ibn Sa.,d, Vol.II, pp 80-84.6 Al-Tabari, pp.596-604.7 Al-Bukhari, $a/:iib, Bab Ghazwat al-Qarad, Vol.V, p.165.97

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0 TAYMA' f:llJR B.FAZARAH AS HJ A' B.JUHAYNAH DHU AL-QARAD l: BADR Khaybar and the Position of the Hostile Tribes 98 " >- 0 < V1 < cri 0

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THE LAST ENCOUNTER Ghifiir, who was incharge of the camels, was killed.His wife and the camels were carried away by al-Faziiri.Al-Ghiibah is near Medina in the direction of Syria.That the Ghatafiin should have ventured so near Medina was not only a provocative act but also a signal of danger for the Muslims.Further efforts to seek a peaceful settlement seemed to be futile.So the Apostle took immediate action to break the alliance between the Jews of Khaybar and the Ghatafiin.The Apostle marched (Mubarram 7 Hijri, May/June 628) from Medina to Khaybar by way of cl~r, a mountain between Medina and Wadi al-Fure, where a mosque was built for him.From there he continued his march to al-Sal).bii", which is an evening's journey from Khaybar.Then he went forward with the army and halted at al-Raji:.to prevent the Gha!afiin who had marched out to join forces with Khaybar, "but after a day's journey, hearing a rumour about their property and families, they thought they had been attacked during their absence, so they went back on their tracks and left the way to Khaybar open to the Apostle." 1 The Apostle reached Khaybar at night.Looking at Khaybar he prayed: "We ask Thee for the good of this town and the good of its inhabitants and the good of what is in it, and we take refuge in Thee from its evil and the evil of its people and the evil that is in it".2 The Muslim army passed the night there.It seems the Apostle was still not sure whether the Jews really wished to give battle.However, when he saw the Jewish preparations any doubts on that count were removed.Taking into consideration the position of the Khaybar strongholds and the surrounding swamp, the date palms and valleys providing a natural protection, this must have been the most difficult military expedition for the Muslims.But unfortunately very few details of the battle are given by lbn lsl).iiq; those which are given are grist to a story-teller's mill rather than material for a historical examination.Ibn Isl).iiq's account is replete with isnlids.3 The account begins with a long chain of isniids but all that the report 1 Ibn Hisham, p.757.The whole account is given in detail by Ibn Hisham as well as lbn Sa..d, pp.106-117.2 Ibn Hisham, p.757.3 Ibid.pp.755-778.99

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says is that lbn al-Akwa"" was asked to dismount and chant one of his camel songs.""Abd Allah b.""Amr b.l;>amrah al-Fazari told Ibn IsJ:iaq that the Apostle prohibited the flesh of domestic donkeys and Sallam b.Kirkirah added that when the Apostle forbade the flesh of donkeys he allowed them to eat horseflesh.Yazid b.Abi.i J:Iabib told Ibn IsJ:iaq from Abi.i Marzi.iq client of Tujib from J:Ianash al-$an""ani that he learnt it from a preacher that the Apostle said, "It is not lawful for a man who believes in Allah and the last day to mingle his seed with another man's." All these reports and many more are very important from the point of view of Muslim law, and would not have the force of law if they were not given with proper isnad.As far as the account of the battle is concerned practically all reports are without any authority.It is the same pattern that we found in the account of the B.Quray:i:;ah.Had Ibn IsJ:iaq come across any authorities he would have quoted them, but there were none.In more than twenty-three pages of Wiistenfeld's edition there is little that can give us a reasonable account of how these forts on such heights and protected by people who had catapults were conquered by a small army who had no siege-machine.According to Ibn Isl)aq 1 the first to fall was the castle of Na ""im, where Mal;lmi.id b.Maslamah was killed while resting, crushed by a millstone which was thrown on him by Kinanah b.al-Rabi"" b.Abi.i al-J:Iuqayq.The fort of al~Qami.is was difficult to conquer.Several commanders failed to subdue it.The casualties of both sides exceeded those of Badr (2/624), but not UJ:iud where 72 Muslims and 22 Meccans were killed.At Khaybar, 19 Muslims were ki1Ied2 and 50 were wounded.The enemy casualties at Badr were 70 killed and none wounded; at Khaybar 93 were killed.Both sides knew that for the vanquished it was, probably, the last battle; a dominant elite, if defeated, would never get a chance to recover.A new group trying to establish its ascendancy, had been only very recently shown its weakness by the Quraysh of Mecca at I;Iudaybiyah.3 The Jews at Medina and all the Arab tribes were waiting for the defeat of this new group which threatened the whole pattern of Arab life.This was one of the most important battles 1 Ibn Hishiim, p.758.2 Ibn Hishiim and Ibn Sa""d have given the names of companions killed (lbn Hishiim, p.769; Ibn Sa~d, Vol.II, p.107).3 See Chapter VI, pp 285-87.100 '

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THE LAST ENCOUNTER of the Apostle's life.The Jews, though they could not unite under one command, fought bravely.Unlike the Jews of Medina, who had no will to fight and surrendered without giving battle, the Jews of Khaybar put up a stiff resistance.Every day the Muslims would storm and return unsuccessfully till finally"' Ali, flying the Apostle's standard- which was "'A"ishah's wrapl-won the day for the Muslims.The Jews of Khaybar won back the honour, which had been lost by the B.Qaynuqa"', the B.al-Na<;lir and the B.Quray~ah by their trickery and cowardice.Marl).ab came out of his castle carrying his weapons and saying : Khaybar knows that I am MarJ:iab An experienced warrior armed from hand to foot, Now piercing, now slashing As when lions advance in their rage.The hardened warrior gives way before my onslaught; my birnil cannot be approached.2 When after a heroic struggle with MuJ:iammad b.Maslamah, Marl).ab was killed, his brother Yasir came out with the challenge : Khaybar knows that I am Yasir Fully armed, a doughty warrior As when lions advance at a rush The enemy give way before my onslaught.3 The Jews did not lose at Khaybar, but signed a negotiated peace with the Muslims, which suited the Apostle.The maghazi- writers' account is improbable and, as Lammens has pointed out , incorrect.4 As a result of the treaty Khaybar changed its alliance from the B.Faziirah to the Muslims.As Abu Hurayrah, who was in Khaybar with the Apostles, plaintively reports, "We conquered Khaybar, in the booty we took neither gold nor silver, but cattle, 1 Ibn Saed, Vol.II, p.106.2 Ibn Hisham, p.760, Guillaume's translation.Ibn Saed, Vol.II, p.llO gives a shorter version.3 Ibn Hisham, p.761, Guillaume's translation.Ibn Saed , Vol.II, p.ll3.4 See next chapter, pp.ll5-117.5 Ibn Sacd, Vol.IV, pp.325-341.Mahmiid Abii Rayyah, Adwil" 0 a/a a/-sunnah a/-Mubarnmadiyah (Cairo, 1958), p.153.See also G.H.A.Juynboll, The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature: Discussions in Modern Egypt (Leiden, 1969) for "the cadilla of Abii Huraira", pp.62-99.JOI

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camels, food and palm groves." 1 His report represents the correct pos1t10n.Yal).ya b.Adam reports from Nafi"" that the Apostle gave Khaybar to its inhabitants against payment of half of the produce, and the palm trees.2 Jbn Isl).aq's account of the division of the spoil concurs in principle with other reports,3 but as Abii Hurayrah has pointed out there was no hidden treasure of gold or silver.4 WhenKhaybar had been "conquered", Ibn Isl).aq reports without isniid, al-I:{ajjaj b.""Ilat al-Sulami went to Mecca to collect his money, which was scattered among the Meccan merchants.He took the Apostle's specific "permission" to tell lies to collect the money.On his arrival in Mecca the people collected around him and asked how the Apostle fared in Khaybar.Al-I;Iajjaj told them, "He has suffered a defeat such as you have never heard of and his com- panions have been slaughtered; you have never heard the like, and Muhammad has been captured." The Meccans, pleased with the news, helped al-I;Iajjaj to collect his money.To a distraught ""Abbas , whqm he took aside, Al-I;Iajjaj said, 'I left your brother's son married to the daughter of their king, ~afiyah, and Khaybar has been conquered and all that is in it removed and become the property of Muhammad and his companions...When three nights have passed let it be known if you so wish.On the third day ~Abbas put on his robe, scented himself, took his stick and went to the Ka"-bah and performed the fawiif.When the people saw him they said, 'O Abu al-Fac;ll, this is indeed steadfastness in a great misfortune!'"- Abbas answered, certainly not, by Allah by whom you swear, Muhammad has conquered Khaybar and was married to the daughter of their king.He has seized all that they possess and it is now his property and property of his companions'.5 Neither of the two stories of al-I;Iajjaj, are true.1 Al-Bukhari, $abii1 Book of Maghiizi, "Ghazwat Khaybar'', Vol.V, p.176.2 Yal)ya b.Adam, Kitab al-Kharaj, pp.23-25.3 Ibn Hisham, pp.774-776.4 Ibid., p.763." Ibn Hishiim, pp.771-772, italics are mine.102'·

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CHAPTER VI THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT What does it profit the reader to wade through wars and battles and sieges of towns and enslavements of peoples, if he is not to penetrate to the knowledge of the causes which made one party succeed and other fail in the respective situations? -POLYBIUS The Jews of the I:Iijaz on the eve of the Hijrah, as we discussed in the first chapter, were a declining elite, a group which was in the process of losing its dominance, though it was not necessarily aware of the loss.Group status reversal is not a new phenomenon.History is full of cases where the dominant elite declined and became a sub- ordinate minority.The reversal of such status can be either sudden and violent or peaceful and gradual.A shift in economic conditions and change in the skills required for dominance, such as the invention of gunpowder, the industrial revolution, replacement of the mastery of the seas by air power, can greatly contribute to the decline of a group, which for: various reasons, has not been able to keep up with the times.Towards the end of the fifth century the Jews ruled I:Iimyar, the last of the successive kingdoms of al-Yaman, dominated Yathrib and controlled Tayma"", Fadak , Khaybar and Wadi al-Qura on the line of the caravan route running from north to south.With the reign of Dhii Nuwas (510-525) which "provides one of the most remarkable atrocity stories of history"l, the Jewish dynasty of Saba ended after a run of a_ century and a half.This may be taken as the beginning of the decline of the Jewish dominant elite.About 522 Dhii Nuwas gave the Christians of Najran the choice between apostasy 1 H.St.J.B.Philby, The Background of Islam (Alexandria, 1947), p.119.103

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and martyrdom.On refusal to accept Judaism they were mercilessly exterminated in the trenches.1 The news was received with horror in Christendom.An Abyssinian army landed in l:Iimyar and Arabia Felix was once more restored to Christendom.At approximately the same time the Aws and the Khazraj were unified under the able leadership of Malik b.""Ajlan and eventually achieved parity with the Jews if not dominance over them.2 The Jewish settlements of the l:Iijaz, which according to Torrey were constituted "primarily as commercial enterprises'',3 had gradually changed into agricultural farms and palm groves, and their ii/am, originally built to stave off Bedouin razzias, lost their utility as strongholds against an opponent whose tactics were very different from those of the raiding Bedouin.When the Aws and the Khazraj came to Yathrib they could manage to build only thirteen strongholds, while the Jews bad fifty-nine atam.4 But on the eve of the Hijrah, the Aws and the Khazraj and other tribes had more than eighty strongholds.5 The war of BuGath, which bad ended five years before the Hijrah, had weakened both the Aws and the Khazraj.The dissipation caused by this war had a far reaching effect on the early history of Islam as it helped to encourage the Apostle's refuge in Yatbrib.As GA '-'ishah said : God caused the war of Bu.,;Hh to take place for the benefit of His Apostle.When the Apostle arrived in Yathrib their (the Anear's) important personalities had been dispersed and their leaders killed; they were in a bad state and God had caused the day of BuGath so that they (the An$ar) may enter Islam.6 This war had a far more damaging effect on the Jews of Yathrib.First, as the allies of the Aws and the Kbazraj they too suffered in the same proportion as the two Arab factions.But far more important was the loss of their position as a group whose support was sought for by both the Aws and the Khazraj and who played a considerably important role in maintaining a balance of power.1 The Qur 0 an, Al-Burilj, 5.Richard Bell, The Origin of Islam in Its Christian Environment, (London, 1926) pp.36-39.Irfan Shahid, Martyrs of Najrdn, is the latest book on the subject.2 Al-Samhudi, Vol.I, pp.177-98 and pp.190-215.See also supra, Chapter r.3 Torrey, The Jewish Foundation of Islam, p.14.4 Al-SamhUdi, Vol.I, p.165.5 Ibid., Vol.I, pp.190-215.6 $al)i/J al-Bukhari, Vol.II, Book V, p.55.104.

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT The loss of influence among the feuding clans of Yathrib was not the only loss.The Jews, who seemed to have dominated the economic life of Yathrib, were challenged by a new trading community, the muhajirun- Quraysh of Mecca-who were active in trade and commerce.When Abu Hurayra was criticised for reporting a large number of Traditions he said : My brethren of the aneiir were occupied in tilling their lands; as for my brethren of the muhajirtln, they were occupied in the markets, whereas I stayed with the Apostle only for food.I was present when they were not and I committed to memory, whereas they forgot.1 The Jews could not forget that they were the original settlers of Yathrib and represented a superior civilization.Even though their political and economic position was threatened they could not accept the Apostle's invitation to cooperate on the basis of "a word equal between us and you that we worship no one but God." 2 For the first time in their history they were confronted with a situation in which they were invited to join a wider community, not exactly as equals, but on liberal terms.The collective Jewish memory could think of their slavery in Egypt, their return to Palestine, the destruction of Jerusalem, Bar Kochba's insurrection, the Jewish kingdom of l;:[imyar, the persecution of the Christians of Najran, or their own persecution by Heraclius, their heroic constancy in the face of permanent degradation and their forced conversion to Chris- tianity.3 They did not know how to react to this new situation.It is unfortunate that at this crucial period the Jews of Yathrib had no leadership of consequence.There was a failure of perception.lf uyayy b.Akh!ab and Kaeb b.Asad represented the bank- ruptcy of their leadership.Not having fully realized that they were losing their position of influence the Jews could not adjust them- selves to group status reversal, from dominant to non-dominant, which the arrival of the Apostle meant.This descent from power, unfortunately, left the Jews irreconcilable and eager to seek revenge and restoration of their paramountcy in Medina by alliance with the Quraysh of Mecca."If Muhammad succeeded with his plan", Watt observes, "the Jews would have no chance of supreme power, they 1 Sal;il;z Muslim , Fac:Ia"il al-Sal)abah, p.1591, 160.2 The Qur'an , Al-"Imriin, 64.3 Graetz, p.103.105

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may have realized already that the Emigrants would generally have more influence on M ul).ammad than the An~i'ir....for some of them hopes may have been set on a league with Ibn Ubayy".1 Even when they failed they did not realize the necessity of adaptability."Thus the Jewish opponents of Mahomet placed a ridiculous meaning on his sayings and revelations, and treated him contemptuously." 2 The Jews of Yathrib epitomised the tragedy of a group which had lost its moorings.The tensions in the Medina of A.D.627 reflected the strains and stresses of the larger social structure of which they were only a minor part.Having been assimilated in the Arab majority they had preserved only the external forms of an identity.Nothing distinguished them from other Arabs except their monotheism and the dietary laws.The differences between the two should have been still reduced by the Islamic monotheism, but research has shown "that groups might become more conscious of their opposed identities precisely at a time when external differences between them are being reduced." 3 They failed to respond to the new situation by changing their attitude and social organization and fell back on the old tried methods of forging new alliances with non-Muslim Arabs, not anti- cipating that the winner would be the Muslim and not the Meccan Quraysh.Unfortunately for them, not only the fundamental changes in the larger society, but the character of the Jewish minority was determined by the personal qualities of two of its leaders, Kaeb b.Asad and I:Juyayy b.Akhtab, one a wavering weakling and the other an incorrigible intriguer.While a decline in the economic sphere is gradual and a declining elite gets time and opportunity to retard and even reverse the process of decline, a shift in the skills of war and a failure to comprehend the nature of that shift, and to adapt or retreat accordingly, is always fatal.The Jews of Yathrib Jost and the Jews of Khaybar failed to destroy the small Muslim force investing it because they did not realize till the end that their i'iti'im had ceased to provide protection.The origin of the word i'i!i'im is doubtful.According to Arab scholars it is an Arabic word denoting height and according to Jewish scholars it is a Hebrew word.These were fortlike 1 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, pp.201-2.2 Graetz, p.74.The Qur 0 an, Al·Nisii, 46.3 Andre Beteille, "Race, Caste and Ethnic Identity," Int ernational Social Science Journal, No.4, 1971, p.534.106'

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT castles which were built on heights.Within the stronghold of the iifiim there were stores, silos, halls for conferences, schools, synagogues, treasury and armoury.There were springs of fresh water.They provided protection against the raiding Bedouin.The Arab raiders had neither the equipment, nor supplies nor patience for a prolonged siege.Arab warfare itself was more or less like a medieval European tournament.It started with reciprocal insults and panagyrics in self-praise.Hijii., (satire) was "an element of war just as important as the actual fighting." 1 The poet reviled his enemies, hurled curses on them and extolled the qualities of his tribe.Though the vendetta was prolonged and the vengeance transmitted from generation to generation, the individual battles themselves were not long and sustained.The wars of Fujar and Bueath for instance were long, but each episode during these wars was short.While a war may erupt at any time and a decisive battle can be fought at short notice, a siege demands an elaborate build-up.It is not easy to assess the strength of any well- fortified place.History abounds in expensive mistakes.The most important and indeed the decisive factor in a siege is the endurance and determination of both the sides.These qualities need to be particularly highly developed in the besieged, who must believe most strongly in the justice of their cause, as well as having faith in the ultimate success of their stand; fear may well play a great part in hardening the defenders' will to resist A siege brings out the best and the worst in those enduring it.2 It is different from any ordinary warfare, where most of the combatants on both sides are soldiers.But in a siege which is not of a purely garrison nature, the majority of those besieged are non-combatant men, women, and children.As a consequence morale and discipline can easily be undermined.Children and old people suffer the same privations as the soldiers, and are directly affected.In case of defeat they share the same fate.Disease and hunger can easily undermine even the strongest fortress.In all the four major encounters with the Apostle the Jews of the I:Iijaz chose the shelter and protection of their afiim.In a 1 Ignaz Goldziher, "Ober die Vorgeschichte der Higa'-Poesie" in Abhand.zur arab.Philologie, Part I (Leyden, 1896), p.26.2 Eversley Belfield, Def.'v and Endure, (New York, 1967), p.1-5.107

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siege the heaviest burden falls upon the leader of the defenders.He has to combine in himself a veritable galaxy of talents.He must be brave and appear to be brave without being foolhardy; he must have, or soon acquire, suffi- cient personal authority to be the unquestioned leader of his troops;...such a man must remain serene in the face of setbacks and disappointments, so that he generates an air of confidence in even tu al victory....1 These qualities, as the three sieges of Yathrib amply show, were completely absent in the Jewish leadership.Khaybar presented a different picture, but there, too, a unified leadership was not possible.Ibn Isl;tiiq, al-Waqidi and lbn Sacd in their accounts of the conflict with the B.Qaynuqiic have not given the name of any person who led these unfortunate Jews.They were not short of prominent people whose names have been mentioned in other contexts.lbn lsl;taq has given the names of twenty-eight prominent adversaries of the Apostle from the B.Qaynuqiic.2 Rafacah b.Qays was one of them; he went to the Apostle asking why he turned his back to Jerusalem as the qiblah.3 He also went to the An$iir asking them not to contri- bute to the public expenses and when he spoke to the Apostle he twisted his words.4 Finl;tas is another rabbi of the B.Qaynuqac who infuriated Abu Bakr by saying that the Jews were not poor compared to Allah.5 Another, Shas b.Qays, had earlier ordered a Jewish youth to recite the poems of Bucath to the An$iir.6 But neither on the eve of the siege nor during the siege nor after the siege is the name of any leader of the B.Qaynuqac mentioned.There were seven hundred well-fed and well-provided combatants among the B.Qaynuqac; three hundred of them had their armour.Any leader with even a modicum of military experience would have given battle to the Apostle in the open field.With their fortress at their back the B.Qaynuqac could effectively deal with the three hundred-odd Muslims with ease.Unlike the Quraysh at Badr they were not short of water, and were not camped in the open.They were strategically in a stronger position.Their market was near the bridge of the Wadi of Batl;tan and an ufum 1 Belfield, p.5-6.2 lbn Hisham, p.352.3 Ibid., p.381.4 Ibid., p.390.5 Ibid., p.388.6 Ibid., p.385.108•

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THE NATURE AND E~'TENT OF THE CONFLICT on the eastern side of the bridges.With their quarter 1 straddling the bridge they could inflict the maximum losses on the Muslims in an open combat, retreat to their fortress and open the charge again at a time of their choosing.The Muslims were out of the town and, though they were assured of their supply route, they could not insure a continuous supply for a long-drawn-out battle.The B.Qaynuqa" instead shut themselves up in their ufum.They seemed to have made no attempt to either fight or break the siege.The Apostle just went and sat down outside with his men.There was no action.He could patiently sit and wait; The B.Qaynuqac could not endure beyond fifteen days.2 Our sources tell us that they were the bravest of the Jews 3 and were "men ofwar".4 These were the people who protected "Abd Allah b.Ubayy from all his enemies.5 The days of B.Qaynuqa" bravery had passed, and the decline seems to have been rapid.The B.al-Nac;lir had many i'lfi'lm and were well provided.According to al-Waqidi they had food supplies to last a year and their water resources were abundant; they had even provided themselves with stones to drop on the attacking force.Even granting al-Waqidi's tendency to exaggerate and lace his narrative with imaginative details, the B.al-Nac;lir were far more prepared for a long siege than the B.Qaynuqac.The Muslims, on the other hand, after their discomfiture at Ul:rnd and the massacre at BFr Ma"ilnah, were in no position to main- tain a long siege.The Apostle seemed to be conscious of their strength and his weakness, and therefore to break the spirit of the defenders he ordered, contrary to Arab custom, that the palm trees should be cut down and burnt.The palm trees were in any case lost-it made no difference to the B.al-Nac;lir whether they were burnt or taken over by the Muslims.If the B.al-Nac;lir won they could plant new palms; if they were defeated they would be expelled and could not make any use of these palms.But I;Iuyayy b.Akhtab was not a military leader.He was an intriguer.He could not foresee that a long siege would be to their advantage, it would not only disrupt the daily life of Yathrib but would also provide an opportunity to "Abd Allah b.Ubayy b.Saliil 1 Saleh Ahmad Al-Ali, "Studies in the Topography of Medina (During the 1st century A.H.)", Islamic Culture, Vol.XXXV, No.2, April 1961 , p.712.2 Al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.177; Ibn Sa'd, Vol.II, p.29.3 Ibn Sa'd, II, p.29.4 Al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.176.0 Ibn Hishlim, p.546.· 109

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MUliAMMAD AND THE jEWS and other disaffected people whom the Qur?an described as munO..fiqfm to foment trouble and join the battle at an appropriate time.They had sent to them a message saying, "stand finn and protect yourselves...if you are attacked we will fight with you".1 But there was no occasion to attack; all that the Apostle did was to burn a few palms and sit with his companions.The Jews lost nerve and surrendered without fighting.The Qur?an has explicitly referred to the lack of military action: "You urged neither horse nor camel for it; but Allah grants power to His Messenger over whomsoever He pleases".2 While the B.Qaynuqa"- and the B.al-Nac;lir merely shut themselves inside their 0.{0.m the B.Quray+ah according to al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa"-d offered.resistance; arrow shots were exchanged and stones were hurled,3 and there were some casualties on both sides.According to al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa"d the siege lasted only fifteen days, but Ibn Is{laq says it continued for twenty-five days.The B.Quray+ah were taken by surprise.It was blitzkrieg-the lightning war.For almost a month the Muslims tliemselves had withstood a siege.The B.Quray+ah did not expect that they would directly return from the front and invest them.This time the Muslim army outnumbered ilie Jews; there were three thousand Muslims as against six hundred to nine hundred Jews.But it was winter and the Muslims were in the open; the Jews were in their strongholds well protected and provi- ded.Above all they were fresh and the Muslims were hungry and tired.Had the Jews decided to give battle in the open they had the advantage of being on the home ground.They could retreat and sally forth in a war of attrition, which was not to the Muslim advantage.The Quraysh, the Ghatafan, the Jews of Khaybar, in fact none of the Arab tribes had been so far subdued by the Muslims and would, probably, have taken advantage at the slightest sign of Muslim weaken- ing.Though l;Iuyayy b.Akhtab was with the B.Quray+ah, other leaders of B.al-Nac;lir were free to organize help and rally support.In fact the munO.fiqun of Medina seemed to be still hoping that the Confederates would return to attack Medina.There is a pointed reference to this hope in the Qur?an.They think the Confederates have not departed; and if the Confederates should come again, they would wish to be with the (nomad) Arabs in the desert asking for news of you.4 1 Ibn Hisham, p.653; al-Waqidi, Vol.I, p.368; Ibn Sa"'d, Vol.II, p.57.2 The Qur 0 an, Al-lfashr, 6.3 Al-Waqidi, Vol.II, p.501; Ibn Sa"'d, Vol.II, p.74.4 The Qur 0 an, Al-Abziib, 20.no

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICt But the Jewish leadership was as demoralised as ever.The feebleness shown by the B.Quray~ah made it apparent that they had no leader.Kaeb b.Asad acted like a man driven by despair.While adversity can bring out almost superhuman heroic qualities among besieged people, the B.Quray~ah were plunged into the depths of depression.They had lost the qualities of leadership, courage and endurance, most probably, during the war of Bueath or even earlier.The division of the Apostle's life in two periods, the Meccan and the Medinan, seems to be neat and logical.But it is an over- simplification.After the Hijrah the Apostle and the Emigrants had escaped persecution, but the struggle for survival had not ceased.A more logical periodization would be to divide the Apostle's life into three phases: the first up to the year of his call to the Ministry, the second from this date to the truces of I;f udaibiyah and Khaybar, and the third from Khaybar to his death.We might subdivide the second phase in two periods, one of persecution and the second of armed struggle, or call them the periods of (I) Meccan struggle, (2) Medinan struggle and (3) the propagation of the faith.I;f udaybiyah and Khaybar, whatever be the periodization, are definite watersheds in the history of early Islam.The largest number of people the Apostle could gather around him on a battle-field was 3,000 up to the end of the sixth year of the Hijrah.According to our sources this was the number of people who took part in defending Medina during the Battle of the Abziib.1 But the people who went out on an expedition did not exceed 1,600.2 This gives a fairly correct idea of the Muslim strength during the first six years of the Hijrah.Except for the Muhiijirun and the An~iir the Arab tribes had not accepted Islam."Islam had touched only a few tribes on the neighbourhood of Mecca and Medina".3 The continuous conflict with the Quraysh of Mecca and the cold war with the Jewish elite of the I;fijaz was not conducive to the propagation of the faith, which required stability and peace.The Apostle was nearing sixty and had accomplished little except a few local successes.The failure of the Meccan-Jewish attempt to liquidate the Apostle and his followers at the Battle of the Abziib was only a negative success for the Muslims.They remained bottled up in Medina, safe within their own confines, free to send expeditions, 1 Ibn Hishiim, p.673.2 Ibn sa~d, II, p.95.Ibn Hishiim gives tw~ figures, 700 and 1400, p.740.3 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.40.111

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but unable to expand.Mecca and Khaybar with their tribal alliances and alignments stood firm in their opposition to Islam.They had failed to destroy Islam; the Apostle was also probably conscious of his inability to win them over.The two actions which he took soon after the Battle of the A/:iziib seem to indicate a change in his strategy.He would try to neutralize them and now, being an established power in Medina, would seek a modus vivendi with Mecca and Khaybar.In 628 (6 A.H.) while the exhausted Byzantine and Sassanian empires were negotiating peace after twenty-six years of war the Apostle also took a step towards peace; he announced that he was going to Mecca for the "-Umrah (the lesser pilgrimage).The pilgrimage by its very nature was to be peaceful.He invited other Muslims to accompany him.They took animals for sacrifice and were armed only with the traveller's weapon-the sheathed sword.Sixteen hundred Muslims, including four women, went with him.Some ten miles northwest of Mecca the Apostle camped and the Quraysh took a position between the Muslims and the city to prevent their entry.The Apostle was not allowed to perform the "-Umrah, but got a nonaggression pact instead.The terms of the pact were as follows: 1.The Muslims and the Quraysh will lay aside war for ten years during which men can be safe and refrain from hosti- lities; 2.If one of the Quraysh should go over to the Muslims without the permission of his guardian, they would hand him over to Meccans, but if any Muslim goes to the Meccans, the latter would not return him to Muhammad; 3.The parties to the pact will not show enmity to each other and there shall be no secret reservations or bad faith; 4.Those who wish to enter into alliance with the Muslims or with the Quraysh ·will be at liberty to do so; 5.The Muslims shall retire this year without performing the "-Umrah; 6.Next year Muslims may come with swords in sheaths, but nothing more; and can stay in Mecca for three nights.1 These terms were humiliating."''"Umar jumped up and went to Abii Bakr saying, 'Is he not God's Apostle, and are we not Muslims, and are they not polytheists?' to which Ab ii Bakr agreed, and he 1 Ibn Hisbam, pp.747-8.

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLIC'r CUmar) went on 'Then why should we agree to what is demeaning to our religion?'....Then he went to the Apostle and put the same questions..." 1 The Apostle had bought peace, which he needed most, at the cost of a great many concessions.Having negotiated the nonaggression pact with the Quraysh of Mecca the Apostle seemed to be anxious to reach some settlement with the second most important power in the l;Iijaz, the Jews of Khaybar.It was one of the most hazardous of expeditions under- taken so far.The Apostle Jed a force of 1,600 men against approximately 10,000 Jews within their fortifications and 4,000 men of Ghatafan waiting outside in the open.It did not seem to be a normal expeditionary force.The odds were heavily against the Muslims.Most of the Arabian tribes were still pagan and had witnessed the retreat of the Muslims from I;Iudaybiyah.Our primary sources are silent on the subject; for them history and hagiography are so fused with each other that it is difficult to reconstruct the events from their narrative.Having suffered a setback at the hands of the Quraysh why did the Apostle undertake an expedition which seemed to have little chance of success? After the unfortunate incident at al-Qarqarah where al-Yusayr b.Zarim was killed, the Apostle appears to have decided to go himself to negotiate peace with the Jews of Khaybar.He took a large party of dependable and devoted people.These were the people who had taken "their pledge unto death" under a tree at 1-Judaybiyah, known as the pledge of al-Ric;lwan.2 This seems to be a reasonably precautionary action.He did not wish war.He made it clear that those who wished to go for booty need not accompany him on this expedition.3 He was going into the heart of enemy's stronghold to negotiate peace and sign a treaty with the enemy which would guarantee peace.If he succeeded, it appears, he would bring a nonaggression pact; if not, it might turn out to be a rout like the battle of Ul).ud.4 There was no booty in either case and he did not want to take with him on this occasion anyone who would tend to lower the morale of this small force.1 Ibn Hishli.m, pp.747.2 Ibid., p.746.3 Al-Wli.qidi, Vol.II, p.634; lbn Sacd, Vol.II, p.106.4 The battle of UJ:rnd was fought in March 625 (X/3).The Apostle went out of Medina to fight against the advice of c.Abd Allah b.Ubayy who said, "We have never gone out to fight an enemy but we have met disaster and none has come in against us without being defeated".(Ibn Hishli.m, p.558).Muslim losses were 70 killed and 40 wounded as against three Meccans killed.ll3

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He had earlier taken a peace initiative and had sent a letter to Khaybar.The Apostle wrote to the Jews of Khaybar : Jn the name of Allah the Compassionate the Merciful from Muhammad the Apostle of Allah, friend and brother of Moses who confirms what Moses brought.Allah says to you, 0 people of the Book, and you will find it in your Book/' Muhammad is the Apostle of Allah, and those with him are hard against the disbelievers, compassionate among themselves.Thou seest them bowing and prostrating themselves seeking grace and acceptance from Allah.The mark of their prostrations is on their foreheads.That is their description in the Torah.And their description in the Gospel is like a seed which sends forth its shoot and strengthens it, and it becomes thick and rises straight upon its stalk, delighting the sowers, that He may cause the disbelievers to burn with rage at (the sight of) them.Allah has promised those who believe and do good works forgiveness and a great reward".1 I adjure by Allah, and by what He has sent down to you, by the manna and quails He gave as food to your tribes before you, and by His drying the sea for your fathers when He delivered them from Pharaoh and his works, that you tell me, do you find in what He has sent down to you that you believe in Muhammad? If you do not find that in your Book then "there is no compulsion upon you.The right path has become plainly distinguished from error" 2 so I caU you to Alli\h and His Apostle.3 The letter contains nothing which has not been said before.Both in tone and form it represents the Apostle's approach of identifying his message with that of Moses.Mention of his brotherly relations with Moses was made when he was carried by night to al-Aq~a Mosque for his ascent to heaven.4 The letter is an invitation to Islam qualified with the formula that there is no compulsion in matters of religion.In the letter there is nothing to attract any doubt about its authenticity, no internal contradiction and no anachronism.The fabrication of such a letter to justify an attack on Khaybar is out of the question; firstly, it contains nothing which even remotely alludes to any provocation from the Jews of Khaybar, and, secondly, Ibn lsl).aq is not in the habit of providing justification for attacking the Jews.We have earlier noticed that lbn lsl).ag did not give any reason to explain the Apostle's warning to the B.Qaynuqa".5 Likewise the case of the Jewish merchant Ibn Sunaynah who was killed by Mul).ayyi~ah without any provocation.6 Furthermore the letter is 1 The Qur•an, Al-Fatl;i, 29.2 Ibid., Al-Baqarah, 256.3 Ibn Hishflm, pp 376-7.Italics are mine.~ Ibid., p.270.5 Supra, Chapter III.6 Ibn Hisham, pp.553-54.

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT not given with the account of Khaybar, but in the chapter dealing with references to the Muniifiqiin and the Jews in the second surah of the Qur""iin Al-Baqarah.No later falsifier could have adopted a style which in its attempt to conciliate sounds like an appeal.lbn Isl;tiiq has not given the date of this letter.But it can be easily discovered.The letter quotes the last verse of the surat al-Fat{1.There is consensus among Muslim scholars that the surah was revealed when, after signing the Treaty of I;Iudaybiyah, the Apostle was on his way back to Medina (March 628/Dhu al-Qae dah 6 A.H.) 1.In the same year in the month of Dhu al-/f ijjah he sent letters to kings.Since the Battle of Khaybar took place early in the seventh year of the Hijrah (May-June/628) the letter must have been sent along with these letters.This letter had no response from the Jews of Khaybar or, if it had, Muslim historians have not recorded it.The chain of events, the nonaggression pact at I;Iudaybiyah, the letter to the Jews of Khaybar, the invitation to Ziirim to come to Medina, leads us to conclude that the Apostle needed peace at any cost.Looking at the terms of l;Iudaybiyah one might even think that peace with honour had almost changed into peace at any cost.The conciliatory tone of the letter to Khaybar is indeed remarkable when one takes into consideration the bitter opposition the Apostle had received from the Jews of Medina.He called himself "friend and brother of Moses" and claimed to "confirm what Moses brought", he adjured them "by God, and by what He has sent down to you, by the manna and quails He gave as food to your tribes before you".Having entreated them to accept him as the Apostle of God he added "If you do not find that in your scripture then there is no compulsion upon you".The aging Apostle needed peace and was appealing for it.The Khaybar Jews however, had by now lost control of their affairs.Their leadership had passed into the hands of the exiled Nac;lirite leaders.2 They had failed their own tribe earlier and were now playing with the destiny of those who had everything to gain by reaching a compromise with the rising power of Isla m.The 1 Ibo Hisbam, p.749.AI -Bukhari, Kitiib al-Tafsir, Vol.VI, p.169.Zamakhsharl, Vol.III, pp.540-541.AI-BayQawl, Vol.II, p.266.2 Among the chiefs of B.al-NaQir "who went to Khaybar were Sallam b.Abu al-I;luqayq, Kinanah b.al-Rabi "°b.Abii al-J;luqayq, and J;luyayy b.Akhtab.When they got there the inhabitants became subject to them".Ibo Hisham, p.653.115

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Apostle later repeated the Qur?anic injunction of "no compulsion", making it clear that the invitation to Islam was not compulsory.The new ummah needed reassurance.A hostile people only 90 miles from Medina posed a great danger to the new community.The Apostle, on the other hand, as a good general, could foresee the dangers of a siege.Located on a high mountainous plateau and surrounded by heavily cultivated valleys and malarial swamps the Khaybar fortifications covered a wide area.This was one location which defied siege.Discussing the nature of sieges Belfield observes: For those attacking, the first essential is to seal off the besieged place from the outside world.This is always a laborious and often lengthy undertaking, and thus no government will embark upon a major siege without considerable thought, nor will it do so unless there seems to be encouraging prospects of a relatively rapid success...To assess the strength of the natural and the prepared defensive features of any well-fortified place is a very complex matter.Here history abounds in expensive mistakes...In general, natural fortresses, such as Malta and Gibraltar, nearly always seem to defeat the attacker, or cause terrible losses before being taken.1 The Apostle took the field as a last resort.It did not seem to be a conclusive battle, though Muslim historians have tried to depict it as such.Ultimately a peace was negotiated, but it was afte.r a great loss of life in battle.Half of the dates which were offered to the Ghatafan were now annually given to the Muslims as tribute."This practice, far from being considered at that time a sign of political weakness, was freely indulged in also by the great Byzantine and Persian empires to secure peace from many unruly neighbouring tribes.It was far less expensive than keeping permanent garrisons to stave off raids.By arranging with Mohammad to pay him half of their annual produce, the Khaybar Jews may have thought that they had merely exchanged one recipient for another." 2 They exchanged the alliance of the Ghatafan with that of the Apostle.The only loser were the Fazarah.As Lammens has pointed out it is not correct to talk of it in terms of Muslim conquest of Khaybar.Later historians have painted it as a victory to justify acts which took place during ""Umar's time.a The Jews of Khaybar had not adopted a condescending attitude towards the Muslims, but they had certainly over-estimated their 1 Belfield, pp.4-5.Baron, Vol.III, p.79.3 Lammens, L'Arabie occidenta/e avant /'Hegire, p.72.11'6

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT combat efficiency.The fortifications were lightly held.There seemed to be neither coordination nor proper liaison between the different garrisons of the Jews.The Apostle on the other hand took the Khaybarites by surprise, which was the master key to his success in all major battles; it was surprise both in tactics and techniques combined with a toughness to which both the Jews of the J;Iijiiz and the Quraysh were unaccustomed.The Jews, though they did not lose, nonetheless were compelled to negotiate because they had not taken a serious view of their adversary.The frequent references to the Jews in the Qur.,iin, as interpreted by the classical interpreters of the Qur?iin, the unfolding of the Muslim practice, the development of the Shari"" ah and the garbled accounts of the controversy with the Jews of Yathrib have created a picture of religious controversy which is both distorted and distorting.Almost all the modern historians have taken the view that when the Apostle left Mecca he looked forward to his acceptance by the Jews of Yathrib.On arrival he tried to win them over by adopting the fast of"" Ashiirii.,, by turning towards Jerusalem for prayers etc.The Apostle was, however, soon disappointed by the Jewish rejection, so he broke with them and crushed them.This picture represents a contorted reflection of events.There is no evidence for Gabrieli's assumption that the Apostle at one time had considered the Jews of Medina as "converts to Islam".1 Two early Meccan silrahs, the Bani JsriPU and the Yilnus, show that the Apostle from the very beginning had an idea of the Jewish reaction to his claim.The seventeenth chapter of the Qur?iin, the Bani Jsrii.,il, has the following eight verses warning the Jews of their future : 4.And we revealed to the children of Israel in the Book, (saying), you will surely do mischief in the land twice, and you will surely become excessively overbearing.5.So when the time for the first of the two warnings came, we sent against you (some) servants of Ours possessed of great might in war, and they penetrated (the innermost parts of your) houses and it was a warning that was bound to be carried out.6.Then We gave you back the power against them, and aided you with wealth and children, and made you larger in numbers.7.Now if you do well, you will do well for your own souls; and if you do evil, it will (only )be against them.So when the time for the latter warning came, (We raised a people against you) to cover your faces 1 Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam, p.67.117

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with grief, and to enter the mosque (The Temple) as they entered it the first time, and to destroy all they conquered with their destruction.8.It may be that your Lord will now have mercy on you; but if you return (to your previous state), We too will return, and We have made hell a prison for the disbelievers.9.Surely, this Qur 0 an guides to what is most right; and gives to the believers who do good deeds the glad tiqings that they shall have a great reward.10.And that for those who do not believe in what is to come later we have prepared a grievous punishment.11.And man asks for evil as he should ask for good; and man is hasty.In these verses of the Bani Jsrff'il the use of the personal pronoun in the second person is highly significant.Lammens after an examina- tion of early sources has rightly pointed out that there were no Jews in Meccal, and there is general consensus that the verses are definitely Meccan.2 These verses do not point towards an Apostle looking forward to be accepted by the Jews.They also do not indicate an active controversy between the Apostle and the Jews.It is a general statement without polemics.A later verse on the subject is clear.And we prepared for the children of Israel a blessed abode, and We provided them with all manner of good things.They differed not in anything till true knowledge came to them.Surely thy Lord will judge between them on the day of Judgment concerning that in which they differed.(Yiinus, 93).Muir, Noldeke and Grimme3 are in agreement with Zamakhshari 4 , and al-Bayc;Iawi 5 that it is a Meccan sftrah.Wherry calls it "undoubtedly of Meccan origin"6 and goes on to say that "the know- ledge intended here is that of the Qur.,an, and the allusion is to the rejection of Mul)ammad by the Jews".7 1 Supra, Chapter I.$ahi(1 al-Bukhari, Kitlib al-Tafsir, Vol.II, p.103 (lbn Mas""iid's report that Bani Isra 0 il, Al-Ka/if and Maryam belong to early Meccan period).Zamakhshari, Vol.II, p.436.Bay<;liiwi, Vol.II, p.532.lbn Kathir, Vol.VI, p.49.Wherry, Vol.III, pp.52-53.Richard Bell, Introduction to the Qur 0 an (Edinburgh, 1970) p.207.3 See Bell, p.207.~ Zamakhshari, Vol.II, p.225.Al-Bay<;Iawi, Vol.I, p.407.6 Wherry, p.~321.7 Ibid., p.338.

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT The Apostle knew before his arrival in Medina that he would be rejected by the Jews and yet offered them the terms of the Sabifah on the basis of the Unity of God.But the Jews considered him not even a false Messiah, but an outright usurper; being a gentile (ummi) he could not be a prophet unto them, and as a prophet to the Arabs he could endanger their already declining position of influence.Two of their major allies in Medina had already accepted this refugee prophet; the Meccans were unable to crush him alone, and their own efforts in Medina to dislodge him had rebounded.The decline was rapid and they were unable to do anything to stop it.The actual encounter with Judaism took place at a later period, and not during the time of the Apostle.1 The sirah writers, maghiizi narrators, Qur.,anic commentators and the Jfadith collectors read the Old Testament and the Jewish literature and applied all suitable signs to the Apostle.2 The Messianic movements among the Jews helped to confuse the situation.The abiding hope of the Jews in galut centred around a king in the house of David who would rule over a new golden age.Derived from the Hebrew mashiah (anointed), the term Messiah in Jewish history applied to the long-awaited, Divinely chosen king who "shall be called wonderful...The Prince of Peace", who would destroy the enemies of Israel and establish a paradise-like reign of peace and prosperity.Though appearing in many shapes and permutations, the messianic hope has been an activist element in Jewish history.It has retained the binding spell of Jewish kingship to be realized through God's will.3 It was not only an article of faith but an emotional necessity in times of distress to hope constantly for the advent of the Messiah.One element basic to Jewish messianism is anticipation of ihe "birth 1 See M.J.Kister, "l;Iaddithu c.an baniisrii"ila wa-la (laraja", Israel Oriental Studies II, 1972, pp 215-239.The article not only discusses this tradition, but also provides a comprehensive list of references on the subject of early Muslim- Jewish encounter; Israel Friedlaender, "Jewish-Arabic Studies", The Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol.I, 1910-11, pp.183-215, 481-516; De Lacy O'Leary, "The Jewish Transmitters", Arabic Thought and Its Place in History (London, 1954)."This influence of the Jewish Agada and Christian legend is attested with regret by orthodox theologians from the earliest times of Islam up to later periods", Goldziher, Muslim Studies, Vol.II, p.131.3 The idea of Jewish kingship seems to have changed to the idea of a Jewish state since the eighteenth century.119

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MUHAMMAD AND IBE JEWS pangs of the Messiah (hevlei Mashi'ah)-the time of troubles and turbulence that precedes his coming.Hence, periods in which massacres of Jews occurred have also been periods of fervent messianic expec- tations and movements.The Jews have never ceased their vigil for "one like the son of man'~, who will be given "dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages should serve Him".Many of the Jewish patriots who fought in the Great Revolt against Rome (66-70 A.D.) believed that they were participating in a battle which was to be followed by the Messiah.Their unflinching heroism can be understood in the context of a messianic movement.The Jewish revolt against Emperor Trajan in 115-17 and the Bar Kochba uprising in 132-35 were influenced by messianic speculations.In the fifth century a Jew in Crete said he was Moses and promised the Jews of the island that he would take them to Judea without ships.He fixed a date for the miracle and the Jews gathered at the appointed time.They were ordered to jump into the sea and many of these credulous Jews were drowned.During the sixth century the continuous conflict between the Byzantine and Sassanid empires gave rise to messianic expectations, which most probably played a major role in shaping the image of Arab Jewry.Zerubbabel, a grandson of King Jehoiachin, was the leader of the Jewish exiles who returned from Babylonia to Judea with the consent of Cyrus.Under Darius I in 521 B.C.he was appointed governor of Judea and thus became the last ruler of Judea from the House of David.The pseudepigraphical work, the Book of Zerubbabel written in his time tells about the visions of Zerubbabel concerning the appearance of the Messiah.The literature which developed around the messianic hopes arising from the Book of Zerubbabel, is vast.Though "it is difficult to date the various works in this literature; some of them may even be earlier than the Book of Zerubbabel...(yet it) had an enormous impact upon medieval Jewry".1 Until the beginning of the sixth century at least two successive Judaised dynasties ruled in the Yemen.There was a large Jewish population in Arabia and it is very likely that the messianic hopes might have sustained the Jewish people of Arabia during the destruc- 1 'Messianic Movements', Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), Vol.XI, Column 1413.

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT tion of the kingdom of }:Iimyar and the decline in the position which followed it.The various references by lbn Isl;taq to the Jewish prophecies regarding the advent of a "prophet" seemed to be the result of a variant reading.lbn lsl;taq and Muslim scholars following him thought that the Jews whose rabbis had predicted the advent of a prophet were really waiting for Muhammad and when he claimed the prophethood, the Jews deliberately denied him.It seems the Jews of the I;Iijaz saw no signs, and did not witness any prophecies being fulfilled.Salam b.Mishkam of the B.al-Na<;lir told Muc.adh b.Jabal "He (the Apostle) has not brought us anything we recognize and he is not the one we spoke of to you".1 The language and the idiom of the argument between the Apostle and the Jews was unmistakably religious.But "ideological differences, no matter, how mutually antagonistic they become, alone are not enough to sustain negative patterns of conduct.However when some breakdown, crisis, or structural stress, e.g., economic, social, or political disintegration occurs, such differences become vital".2 Religious conflict becomes lethal only when social, political and economic conflicts are conjoined with it.The Aws and the Khazraj, who were trying to take over the control of the oases from the Jews, did not seem to have any experience in trade and commerce.By inviting Muhammad and some seventy of his Quraysh companions the An,~iir gave refuge to the Apostle of God, and got, among many things, a leader with commercial expertise in the bargain.The Apostle, earlier in his career, had established a reputation for managing the commercial interests of the richer Quraysh merchants.The maghiizi writers do not tell us how the Muhajirun made a living in Medina during the early period of their sojourn.There is no evidence to show that they changed their vocation and took up agriculture, but there are occasional notices of their commercial transactions.As Abu Hurayrah, reported, the Muhiijirun spent their time in tlle markets.3 c.umar did not hear the message conveyed by the Apostle as he was engaged in the market.4 When "-Abd al-Rahman b.c.Awf was offered half of his wealth by his Medinan 'brother' Sa"-d b.al-Rabi"', 1 Ibn Hisham, p.379.2 Ellis Rivkin, The Shaping of Jewish History: A Radical Interpretation (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971), p.24.3 Supra, p.105.4 Al-Bukhari, $abib, Kitiib al-Buyuc., Vol.III, p.72.121

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he said, "May God bless your wealth and family; you just show me the market".c.Abd al-Ral;iman was shown the way to the B.Qaynuqac.market, where he soon.earned a skin of butter and cheese.1 It is not surprising that the B.Qaynuqi{· were the first to feel threatened by this new mercantile element, and played into the hands of c.Abd Allah b.Ubayy to save their business.The Jewish trading post2 of Ta"if was saved because the people of Ta"if as a whole rejected the Apostle.3 A section of the Medinan Arabs, on the other hand, brought the Apostle to Medina.Not accustomed to competition the B.Qaynuqac.could not think of buying off the superior business acumen of the Muhajirfm; they tried to remove them instead.The B.al-Na<;lir, the B.Quray~h and other Jewish clans were mainly engaged in farming and agriculture.The danger posed to them by the new entrepreneur class of the Muhajirun was of a different nature.The B.Qaynuqac.through their market provided Yathrib and its environs opportunities to change goods and barter produce, and acted as middlemen and retailers and were an adjunct to the agrarian economy of the oasis.But the Muhajirun did not grow up "in the atmosphere of the desert, but in that of high finance".4 The Meccans were "financiers skilful in the manipulation of credit, shrewd in their speculations, and interested in any potentialities of lucrative investment from Aden to Gaza or Damascus".5 The Jewish farmer and land- owner was threatened by the merchant.Not only his social values, but his prosperity, as usual with all agrarian societies, faced danger from the new merchant class.The B.al-Na<;lir and the B.Quray:(:ah fought and lost; other Jewish clans accepted their temporary decline with resignation and re-emerged as an elite, but not dominant, after mastering the technique, which the Muhajir entrepreneur had brought to Yathrib.· It was a local affair.It was not an encounter between the two religions.That encounter began in Mecca, where there were no Jews and reached its highest point under the Abbasids in the Eastern Caliphate and under the Umayyads in Spain during the periods when there was no persecution.The rise of Islam and the Jewish 1 AI-Bukhari, $abi(1, Kitab al-Buyu", Vol.III, pp.68-69.2 Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldcin, ed.by M.J.de Goeje (Leiden, 1866), p.56.3 Ibn Hisham, pp.279-81.4 Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, p, 3.5 Ibid., p.3.122

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT renaissance are concomitant.The great Jewish-Muslim symbiosis 1 during the golden period of Islam was the result of that encounter.It is meaningless to talk of a 'break with the Jews'.It presupposes an alliance with them of which we have no evidence.The Jews of the I;lijii.z as usual with a declining elite soon faded out of the limelight, but did not disappear from Medina.When the Apostle died his coat of mail was mortgaged to a Jew who had supplied him with foodgrains.2 The Jews were obviously conducting business as usual, but for the Muslim chronicler of wars and the biographer of the Apostle the Jews of the I;lijii.z ceased to be of interest after the peace of Khaybar.The jurists and the Tradition compilers kept their watch on the Jews for a slightly longer period to find or establish precedents for collect- ing jizyah and khariij.Actually the Jews of the I;lijii.z were neither expelled nor did they leave the region during the lifetime of the Apostle.The Apostle himself took care to obliterate signs of bitterness.To both the B.Quray'.(:ah and the Jews of Khaybar the Apostle made a gesture of goodwill and conciliation after their discomfiture.No such gesture was made to the B.Qaynuqii."".They did not need it either.The pattern of the Apostle's marriages as it unfolds itself is clearly social and political."His marriages were not simply love matches; they were political alliances".3 A defeated adversary was almost always won by this gesture.Umm Salamah (Hind) was a close relative of the leading man of the Makhziim clan, Juwayriyah was the daughter of the tribe of al-Mu~taliq, who were defeated by the Muslims.All the Apostle's marriages, Watt observes, "can be seen to have a tendency to promote friendly relations in the political sphere." 4 The Union with RayMnah, 5 was in fact a polrtical' announcement that the Apostle had closed the chapter of bitterness and was making another attempt to win the friendship of the B.Quray'.(:ah through marriage with a lady of their clan.The gesture would have been meaningless and empty if all the male adults had been slain and their women and children sold as slaves.The Apostle tried to strengthen his negotiated peace with the State of Khaybar by the same sign of goodwill.He took Safiyah in marriage and thus sealed his alliance with the most important Jewish power in theI;Iijii.z.1 S.D.Goitein (Jews and Arabs, p.127) calls it 'Jewish-Arab symbiosis'.2 Al-Bukhari, Sahib Kitab al Buyiic, Vol.III, pp.73-74.3 Rodinson, Mohammed, pp.280-81.4 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.287.5 Ibid,.p.288.Rayl)anah was a widow from the B.Quran;ah.123

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The result of the two peace treaties, at I:Iudaybiyah and Khaybar, was a great success.Two years later (1.I 630/ 10.IX 8), when the Apostle marched to Mecca, his army numbered 10,000 men as compared to 1,600 in 628 (6 A.H.).I:Iudaybiyah and Khaybar had paid a great dividend.Watt finds it "interesting to speculate on what would have happened had the Jews come to terms with Mu]J.ammad instead of opposing him.At certain periods they could have secured very favourable terms from him, including religious autonomyl, and on that basis the Jews might have become partners in the Arab empire and Islam a sect of Jewry.How different the face of the world would be now, had that happened!"2 Unfortunately a declining elite does not act that way.Among the migratory peoples of ancient times the Greeks, the Italians and the Hebrews "looked upon their neighbours with greater apprehension than did any of the others.These three peoples lived in deep fear of the societies beyond, and even among themselves there was mutual antagonism and distrust."3 While the Greeks and the Italians had settled by the beginning of the Christian era, the Jews, due to their unfortunate circumstances, retained the characteristic of a migratory society.We have noted earlier that the B.QaynuqaC, the B.al-Nac;lir and the B.Quranah bore their misfortunes alone.No other Jewish tribe moved to help them.They had shown the same 'mutual antagonism and distrust' at the Battle of Bucath."They were continually conscious, indeed too conscious, of a distinction between their society and others, between themselves and the out- group".4 Their apprehension over strangers and foreigners prevented them from accepting the invitation to join the ummah.Things became far more difficult, because they formed an elite group, which would have lost its exclusiveness by joining an out-group.Even where the Jews have broken physical restrictions of a gentile-instituted ghetto, the ghetto as a Jewish institution holding the Jews under intellectual 1 Islam in any case gave religious autonomy to the Jews and it lasted in the form of the "millet" system up to the downfall of the Ottomans.2 Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p.219.3 Richard Freeman, Repentance and Revolt: A Psychological Approach to History (Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1970), p.29.4 Freeman, p.32.124

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THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF THE CONFLICT repression has survived.Unfortunately the Jews of the I;Iijiiz as if by instinct withdrew physically and mentally to their ufum.In less than twenty years after the death of the Apostlel they demolished the walls of their mental and spiritual ufum and walked out to accept the challenge of a Muslim society which opened for them the doors of its mosques, its schools, its bazars, markets and civil service, for education, social assimilation and their participation in the civic and political life.They took the fullest advantage of the somatic, intellectual, and spiritual comforts offered by the dominant elite with- out disappearing as a marginal minority.They joined the ummah as sustaining members.For seven hundred years their destiny was bound with that of the Muslims.Every phase of Islamic growth was accompanied by a positive and creative reaction among Jews.Every phase of Muslim breakdown was accompanied by a disinte- gration: a golden age when Spain's wealth grew; humiliation and exile when it dwindled.2 Carmichael considers it "very strange that while Christianity was gradually to disappear in most parts of Muslim Empire, Jewish communities survived and flourished-in Bukhara, formerly a great Christian centre; in Yemen, once a Christian bishopric; and in North Africa, the home of Saint Augustine".3 It would not look strange if the restricted nature and the limits of the Muslim-Jewish conflict were seen in their proper perspective.1 c.umar appointed Bostenai as the Exilarch in 640.See Alexander David Goode, "The Jewish Exilarchate During the Arabic Period in Mesopotamia From 637 A.D.to 1258 A.D." (John Hopkins University, Ph.D.thesis 1940), p.33.2 Rivkin, The Shaping of Jewish History, p.138.3 Joel Carmichael, The Shaping of the Arabs: A Stiidy in Ethnic Identity (New York, 1967), p.54.125

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EPILOGUE There was never a time from· the birth of Islam to the present when large number of Jews did not live under Moslem rule.There is no phase in Islamic history that does not resonate through Jewish history and no form of Islam that does not have its Jewish counterpart.And though during many periods the differences between Islam and Judaism were stressed to rationalize hostility, these differences also were responsible for catalyzing some of the most creative Jewish achieve- ments of the Middle Ages.Under the Umayyads and the Abbasids, Jews prospered and found their way to virtually every part of the Moslem empire.Thri- ving communities sprang up in North Africa and Spain.The Abbasids, particularly, encouraged Jewish enterprise, with the result that by the tenth century a small but significant class of large-scale merchants and bankers had come to play a prominent role in the finances of the caliph.The policies of the caliphs were pragmatic, following from a reading of their own interests, not from a reading of the Koran.The relationship of Jews to Islam was complex, at times positive, at times negative.During the tenth century, Jews living under the Abbasids in the east were experiencing a major breakdown, while Jews in Andalusia were embarking on a golden age.In the twelfth century, Maimonides fled from a hostile Islam in Andalusia, tarried briefly in hostile Islamic North Africa, only to become welcome in Islamic Egypt, where he became physician to the vizier of Saladin.Islam created climates favourable to Jewish creativity and climates altogether inimical to Jews.The record is clear: the differences setting Islam apart from Judaism did not always generate hostility.ELLIS RIVKIN 126

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BIBLIOGRAPHY I.PRIMARY SOURCES The Qnr?an The Egyptian text.Ibn "-Abd al-Barr.Kitiib al-lsti"-ab fi Mac.rifat al-A,J/:liib.Hyderabad, 1318A.H.--.Jami"' Bayiin al-c.!Im wa Fa<flihi.Cairo, 1320 A.H.Ibn Adam, YaJ:iya.Kitiib al-Khariij.Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1896.Ibn al-Athir, c.rzz al-Din.Al-Kiimil fi al-Ta?rikh.ed.C.J.Torn berg.Vol.I.Leiden : E.J.Brill, 1851.Azraqi, Mu]:iammad b."-Abd Allah b.Al;mad.Akhbiir Makkah.2 Vols.in one.Mecca, 1965.Al-Baghdadi, al-Khatib.Ta?rikh Baghdad.Cairo, 193i.Al-Baladhuri, Ab ii al-c.Abbas b.Jabir.Kitab Futub al-Buldiin, ed.M.J.de Goeje.Leiden, 1866.Repr.Beirut, 1957.Al-Bayc;!awi.Anwar al-Tanzi! wa Asriir al-Ta.,wfl, ed.H.0.Fleischer.2 Vols.Osnabrilck: Biblio, 1968.Repr.of Leipzig ed.of 1878.Al-Bukhari, MuJ:iammad b.Ismac.n.Sabib al-Bukhari.3 Vols.Cairo: Al-Shac.b, n.d.--.Kitiib Ta.,rikh al-Kabir.Hyderabad, 1361.Al-Dhahabi.Tadhkirat al-lfuf(a:;.4 Vols.Hyderabad, 1333-4.--.Mizi'm al-le.tidal fi Naqd al-Rijal.4 Vols.·cairo, 1382/1963.Abii Da?ild.Al-Sunan.4 Vols.Delhi, 1318 A.H.Ibn I:Iabib, Mu]:iammad b.I:Iabib.Kitab al-Mubabbar.Hyderabad, 1942.Ibn I:Iajar Al-c.Asqalani.Tahdhib al-Tahdhib.12 Vols.Hyderabad, 1325-7.--.Al-l,Jabah fi Tamyiz al-Sababah.4 Vols.Cairo, 1939.Ibn I:Ianbal.Al-Musnad.6 Vols.Cairo, 1313.Ibn I:Iazm, Abii MuJ:iammad c.Ali b.AJ:imad.Al-Fi~al ff al-Mila! wa al-Ahwa., wa al-Nibal.Cairo, 1347 A.H.Ibn Hisham, c.Abd al-Malik.Kitab Sirat Rasiil Allah, ed.F.Wilstenfeld.2 Vols.in 3.Gottingen, 1858-60.127

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Ibn al-"-Imad, "'Abd al-l.Iayyibn Al).mad.Shadhar'tal-dhahabfi Akhbiir man Dhahab.Cairo: Maktabat al-Quds, 1350-1351.8 Vols.in 4, offset in Beirut, 1966.Al-I~bahani, Abu al-Faraj.Kitiib al-Aghiini.17 Vols.Cairo, n.d.and 23 Vols.Beirut, 1960.Al-I~fahiini, Abii Nu"'aym.Dalif"il al-Nubuwwah.Hyderabad, 1320 A.H.Al-Jumal).i, Mul).ammad b.Sallam.Tabaqiit al-Shua"'rii"', ed.Joseph Hell.Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1916.Ibn Kathir, Isma"'il ibn "'Umar.Al-Bidiiyah wa al-Nihilyah.4 Vols.Cairo, 1966.--.Ta/sir a/-Qur"'iin al-"'A;im.4 Vols.Cairo: "'Isa al-Babi al-l;lalabi, n.d.lbn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, tr.Franz Rosenthal, 2nd.revised ed.Princeton, 1970.lbn Khallikan.Kitiib Wafayiit al-A"'yiin wa Anbii"' Abnii"' al-Zam "n.ed.Ih~an eAbbas.Beirut, n.d.tr.Baron MacGuckin de Slane, Paris, 1842-71.Repr.Karachi, 1964.lbn Khurradadhbih.Kitiib a/-Masiilik wa a/-Mamiilik, ed.M.J.de Goeje.Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1889.Malik b.Anas.Al-Muwatta"'.Cairo, 1862.Muslim b.al-l;lajjaj.$a/Jib with Sharb al-Nawawi.2 Vols.Lahore: Ghulam Ali & Sons, 1958-62 and 18 Vols.Cairo, n.d.Nasa-:>i, Al).mad b.Shueayb.Sunan.Cairo, 1894.Ibn Sa"'d, Abu eAbd Allah Mul).ammad, Katib al-Waqidi.Al-Tabaqiit al-Kubra.7 Vols.Beirut: Dar Beirut, 1957-60.Al-Samhudi.Wafii"' al-Wafii-:> bi Akhbiir Diir a/-Mu§fafa.4 Vols.Cairo, 1955.Al-Shiifiei.Risiilah, ed.M.Shakir.Cairo, 1938.--.Kitiib al-Umm.Cairo, 1381 / 1961.Shahrastani, Mul).ammad ibn e Abd al-Karim.Kitiib al-Mila! wa al-Nibal, ed.Wm.Cureton, London: Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts, 1842.Al-Suhayli, e.Abd al-Ral).man b."'Abd Allah b.Al).mad.Al-Raw(!.al-Unuf Cairo, n.d.lbn Sayyid al-Nas, Mul).ammad b.Mul).ammad."'Uyfm al-Athar Ji Funun al-Maghiizi wa al-Shamii"'ili waal-Siyar.2 Vols.Cairo, 1356.lbn Sallam, Abu "'Ubaid al-Qasim.Kitiib al-Amwiil.Cairo, 1968.Al-Tabari, Abu Ja"'far.Ta"'rikh al-Rusu! wa al-Mu!Uk.Cairo, 1961.--.Tafsir.Cairo, n.d.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Tirmidhi, Abu "Isa.Jiimic Tirmidhi Sharif.2 Vols.Lahore: Ghulam Ali & Sons, 1963.Al-Wiiqidi, Abu "Abd Allah MuJ:iammad b.cumar b.Wiiqid.Kitiib al-Maghiizi, ed.Marsden Jones.2 Vols.London: Oxford University Press, 1966.Ya"qubi, Ibn Wiii;lil:i, Ta"'rikh.ed.M.Th.Houtsma.1883, and Beirut, 1960.Yiiqut.Mu"jam al-Udabii"'.Cairo, 1935-38.--.Mu"jam al-Buldiin, ed.F.Wustenfeld.6 Vols.Leipzig F.A.Brockhaus for the Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft, 1866-1873.Abu Yusuf.Kitiib al-Khariij.Cairo, 1346 A.H.Al-Zamakhshari.Al-Kashshiif 4 Vols.Cairo, 1966.Zurqiini.Sharh al-Mawiihib al-Laduniyah.Cairo, 1325.II.MODERN WORKS Abbott, Nabia, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri I.Historical Texts.Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1957.Abu Rayyah, Mahmud, Adwii.., "ala al-sunnah al-mubammadiyyah, Cairo, 1958.Abu! A"lii Maudildi, Islamic Way of Life.Delhi, 1967.Ali, Muhammad.Muhammad the Prophet.Lahore, 1924.Ali, Syed Ameer.The Spirit of Islam.London, 1964.Altheim, Franz and Stiehl, Ruth.Finanzgeschichte der Spiitantike.Frankfurt am Main: V.Klostermann, 1957.Baron, Salo Wittmayer.A Social and Religious History of the Jews.New York: Columbia University Press, 1964.Belfield, Eversley, Defy and Endure, New York: Macmillan, 1967.Bell, Richard.Introduction to the Qur"'iin, ed.Montgomery Watt.Edinburgh: University Press, 1970.Bell, Richard.The Origin of Islam in Its Christian Environment.London: Macmillan & Co.Ltd., 1926.Borneff, Joachim.Hygiene.Stuttgart : Thieme Verlag, 1971.Browne, Edward G.A Literary History of Persia.Cambridge: University Press, 1902-24, repr.1964.Caetani, Leone.Annali dell' Islam.Milan: Hoepli, 1905 ff.Carmichael, Joel.The Shaping of the Arabs: A Study in Ethnic Identity.New York: The Macmillan Company, 1967.129

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Clive, John.Macaulay: The Shaping of the Historian.New York: Knopf 1973.Denton, R.C.The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East.New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966.Freeman, Richard.Repentence and Revolt: A Psychological Approach to History.Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1970.Fiick, Johann.Muf:zammad Jbn Ishiiq.Frankfurt am Main, 1925.Gabrieli, Francesco.Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam, tr.Virginia Luling and Rosamund Linell.London, 1968.Geiger, Abraham, Was hat Mohammad aus dem Judenthume aufgenom- men? Bonn, 1833.2nd, rev.ed., Leipzig: M.W.Kaufmann, 1902.Goitein, S.D.Jews and Arabs: Their Contacts through the Ages.New York: Schocken Books, Inc., 1955.--.A Mediterranean Society, Vol.II.Berkeley: University of California Press: 1971.Goldziher, Ignaz.Muslim Studies, tr.C.R.Barber and S.M.Stern.2 Vols.Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1967, 1971.Goode, Alexander David, "The Jewish Exilarchate During the Arabic Period in Mesopotamia from 637 A.D.to 1258 A.D." Unpublished Thesis, Johns Hopkins University, 1940.Graetz, Heinrich.History of the Jews.Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1894.Grayzel, Solomon.A History of the Jews.Mentor Book.New York: The New American Library, 1968.Grimme, H., Mohammed.Munster: Aschendorff, 1892-1895.Guillaume, A., The Life of Muhammad: A translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasiil Allah.London: Oxford University Press, 1970.--.The Traditions of Islam.Beirut: Khayats 1966, repr.of ed.of 1924.Hamidullah, Muhammad.The First Written Constitution in the World.2nd rev.ed.Lahore: Sh.Muhammad Ashraf, 1968.--.Muhammed Ibn Ishaq.Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1967.Hilberg, Raul.ed.Documents of Destruction: Germany and Jewry 1933-1945.Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971.Hirschberg, Joachim Wilhelm (Haim Zeev), Israel in Arabia.Tel Aviv: Mossad Bielik and Masada, 1946.(Hebrew).Horovitz, J., Koranische Untersuchungen.Berlin-Leipzig, 1926.Josephus, Works.(4 Vols.).London: Loeb Classical Library, 1925-30.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Juynboll, G.H.A., The Authenticity of Tradition Literature: Discussions in Modern Egypt.Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1969.Khadduri, Majid and Liebesny, Herbert J., Law in the Middle East.Washington D.C.: Middle East Institute, 1955.Lammens, H., L'Arabie occidentale avant l'H egire.Beyrouth: Imprimerie Catholique, 1928.--.Islam: Beliefs and Institutions.tr.Sir E.Denison Ross.New York: Dutton & Co., 1929.Leff, Gordon.History and Social Theory.University, Ala.: The University of Alabama Press, 1969.Leszynsky, Rudolf, Die Juden in Arabien zur Zeit Mohammeds.Berlin: Mayer & Muller, 1910.Levy, Barbara.A Legacy of Death.Englewood Cliffs,N.J.: Prentice- Hall, 1973.Lewis, Bernard.The Arabs in History.London: Hutchinson & Co., 1950.--.History-Remembered, Recovered, Invented.Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975.Lewis, Bernard and Holt, P.M., ed.Historians of the Middle East.London & New York: Oxford, University Press, 1962.Lukacs, John.Historical Consciousness; or The Remembered Past.New York: Harper and Row, 1968.Margoliouth, D.S., The Early Development of Mohammedanism.London: Williams & Norgate, 1914.--.The Relations between Arabs and Israelites prior to the Rise of Islam.London: Oxford University Press, 1924.Margolis, Max L.and Marx, Alexander.A History of the Jewish People.New York: Harper & Row, 1927.Muir, William.The Life of Muhammad, ed.T.H.Weir.Edinburgh: John Grant, 1912.Nicholson, R.A., A Literary History of the Arabs.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966.First published, 1907.Noldeke, Theodore Geschichte des Qorans.Gottingen, 1860 and second edition completed by G.Bergstrasser, F.Schwally and 0.Pretzl, 1909-1938.O'Leary, De Lacy.Arabia Before Afuhammad.London : Kegan Paul , 1927.--.Arabic Thought and its Place in History.London : Routledge, Kegan Paul, 1954.131

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Petersen, Erling Ladewig.G Ali and MuGliwiya in Early Arabic Tradition.Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1964.Philby, H.St.J.The Background of Islam.Alexandria : Whitehead, Morris, 1947.Raglan, Lord.The Hero: A Study in Tradition, Myth, and Drama.New York: Vintage Book, 1956.Rivkin, Ellis, The Shaping of Jewish History.New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971.Rodinson, Maxime.Mohammed, tr.Anne Carter.Ne w York: Pantheon Books, 1971.Schacht, Joseph.The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence.Oxford: Clarendon, 1953.Shaban, M.A.Islamic History A.D.600-750 (A.H.132): A New Interpretation.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971.Shahid, Irfan.The Marty rs of Najran: New Documents.Bruxelles: Societe des Bollandistes, 1971.Smith, W.Robertson.Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia.Boston: Beacon Press, n.d.; first published in 1903.Thomson, David.The Aims of History.London, 1969.Torrey, Charles Cutler, The Jewish Foundation of Islam.Introduction by Franz Rosenthal.New York: Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1967.Usque, Samuel, A Consolation for the Tribulations of Israe l-Third Dialogue, tr.Gershon I.Gelbart.New York: Gershon I.Gelbart Memorial Fund, 1964.Von Grunebaum, G.E., ed.Studies in Islamic Cultural History.Menasha, Wisconsin: American Anthropological Assn., 1954.Watt, W.Montgomery.ISiamic Political Thought.Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968.--.Muhammad at Mecca.Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953.- -.Muhammad at Medina.Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956.Wellhausen, J.Skizzen und Vorarbeiten.6 Vols.in 4.Berlin: G.Reimer 1884-1899.Wensinck, A.J.Mohammed en de Joden te Medina.Leiden: E.G.Brill 1908.Wherry, The Rev.E.M.A Comprehensive Commentary on the Quran: Comprising Sale's Translation and Preliminary Discourse.4 Vols.London: Kegan Paul, 1896.Wolfenson, Israel, Ta-.rikh al-Yahud fi Biald al-....Arab Cairo: Al- IGtimad Press, 1927.(Arabic).132

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BIBLIOGRAPHY III.ARTICLES Al-Ali, Saleh Ahmad."Studies in the Topography of Medina (During the First Century A.H.)".Islamic Culture.Vol.XXXV.April, 1961.Beteille, Andre."Race, Caste and Ethnic Identity".International Social Science Journal.Vol.XXIII.No.4, 1971.Duri, A.A., "Al-Zuhri".Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.Vol.IX.1957.Friedlaender, Israel."Jewish Arabic Studies".The Jewish Quarterly Review.Vol.I (1910-11).pp.183-215 and 481-516.Gil, Moshe."The constitution of Medina: a reconsideration".Israel Oriental Studies.(Tel Aviv, 1974) Vol.IV.Haim, Sylvia G."Arabic Antisemitic Literature".Jewish Social Studies.Vol.XVII.No.4.Horovitz, Joseph."The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and Their Authors".Islamic Culture.1928.pp.535-59, 22-50, 164-182.495-625.--."Judaeo-Arabic Relations in Pre-Islamic Times".Islamic Culture.III.1929.Jones, J.M.B."lbn Isl)aq and Al-Waqidi".Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.XXII.1959.--."The Chronology of the Maghazi-A Textual Survey".Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.Vol.XIX.1957.Kister, M.J., "l;IaddithiiGan bani Isra'ila wa-la }Jaraja".Israel Oriental Studies.1972.--."Al-l;Iira".Arabica.Vol.XV.June 1968.--."The Market of the Prophet".The Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient.Vol.VIII.December 1965.--."Mecca and Tamim".The Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient.November 1965.--."Notes on the Papyrus Text About Mohammad's Campaign against the Al-NaQjr".Archiv Orientalni, Vol.32, 1967.--."The Expedition to Bi"r MauGna".Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of Hamilton A.R.Gibb.ed.George Makdisi.Leiden, 1965.Kuper, Leo."Political Changes in Plural Socieites: Problems in Racial Pluralism".International Social Science Journal.Vol.XXIII.No.4, 1971.Lichtenstadter, Ilse."Some References to Jews in Pre-Islamic Arabic Literature".Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research.Vol.X.1940.133

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Nemoy, Leon, "Jews and Arabs".Review of S.D.Goitein's book of the same name.The Jewish Quarterly Review.Vol.XL VI.No.4.1956.Robson, James, "Ibn Isl;aq's use of the Isnad".Bulletin of the John Rylands Library.Vol.38.1955-56.--."Tradition".The Muslim World.Vol.XLI.1957 January, April and July.Serjeant, R.B."The Constitution of Medina".Islamic Culture( Vol.VIII.1964.--."Ukhdiid".Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.XXII (1959).Smith, Sydney."Events in Arabia in the 6th Century A.D.", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Afri c an Studies.Vol.XVI (1954).Watt, W.Montgomery."The Condemnation of the Jews of Banii Qurayf:ah".The Muslim World.Vol.XLII, 1952.Full information on entries from general works of reference is provided within the footnotes.Only important articles which have a direct bearing on the subject have been given in this list.IV.GENERAL REFERENCE WORKS The Holy Bible.The Authorized (King James) Version.a) Encyclopedias Encyclopaedia Britannica.Encyclopaedia of Islam.1st Edition.Encyclopaedia of Islam.New Edition The Encyclopedia of the Jewi sh Religi on.Encyclopaedia Judaica.Jerusalem.Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences.b) Lexicons 1967.El(I).E/(2).1965.1971.1908-27 1968.Al-l~fahani, Raghib.Al-Mufradiit fi Gharib al-Qur?iin.Cairo, n.d.Lane, Edward William.An Arabic-English Lexicon.Lo ndon a nd Edinburgh: Williams & Norgate 1863-93.Ibn Man?:iir.Lisiin al-"- Arab.Beirut, 1955.c) Miscellaneous I;Iajji Khalifah.(Katib Chelebi).Kash/ al-Zunfm.7 Vols.Flilgel edition, 1835-1 8 58.B4

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INDEX Aaron, 30.Abbasids(s), 6, 7, 8 and n, 10, 17, 21, 22, 39, 122, 126.Abbott, Nabia, 63, 87, 88, and n.Abu al-cAbbas, 9.AbU Da,ild, 22, 23, 64n, 77, 78, 79, 91, 111, 112.Abu al-Fida°, 3.Abil Hurayrah, 101, 102, 105, 121.Acton, Lord, 23.Adhracat, 27, 94.Adler,.J.G.Chr., 3.Abbar, 15.Abziib, al-., 15, 42, 43, 44, 68, 70, 74, 77, 78n, 79, 91 and n, 95, 111, 112.Ali, Ameer, 23n.Ali, Muhammad, 23n.al-Ali, Saleh, Ahmad, 30n, 6ln, 109n.Amalek, 26 and n.Altheim, F., 33 and n.Asad, B., 68.Ashjac, 68.Aws, Al-, 32, 33, 34, 40, 41, 45, 52, 53, 54, 57, 72, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 91, 92, 104 121.Awza~, Al-,.89.Ayham, Al-, 47.Azraqi, al-, MuI:iammad b.c Abd Allah b.AJ:imad, 32 and n.cAbbas al-, B., 6."Abbas, b."Abd al-MuHalib, 102.c Abbas, IJ:isan, 7n."Abd Allah b.Abbas, 93."Abd Allah b.Abi Bakr, 12."Abd AIHih b.CAtik, 96.cAbd Allah b.RawaI:iah, 96, 97.c Abd Allah b.Salam, I 5."Abd Allah b.$uriya, 15.cAbd Allah b.Ubayy b.Salul al-cAwfi, 34, 36n, 37, 42, 43, 52, 57, 58, 59, 80, 106, 109, 113n, 122."Abd Allah b.Unays, 97."Abd al-Ashhal, B., 72, 78, 79."Abd al- Malik, 6, 7."Abd al-Masil:i cAqib, 47."Adiya (h), 27, 29."Afak, Abu, 36, 52, 53, 63, 81."Ajlan, Malik b., 32, 33, 104."Ali b.Abi Talib, 70, 83, 85, 86, 87, 91, 93, 101.cAlqamah, Abu I;Iarithah b., 47."Amir, B., 63.cAmir b.al-Akwac, 100.cAmr b.cAbd Wudd b.Abii Qays, 70.cAmr b.cAwf, B.36, 81, 91.cAmr b.a-cNucmiin, 37."Amr b.Sueda al-Qurazi, 85."Aqabah, al-,.35, 45, "A~ma 0 hint Marwan, 36, 53 63, 80."A~ma 0 hint Yazid, 41."Awf, B., 40, 41, 47n.cAsqalani, al- lbn l:Iajar, 7n, 79."A,ishah, 70n, 72, 79, 80, 82n, 83, 104.<-Aziz M.A., iii.<-Aziz M.D.iii.Babylon (ian), 7, 8, 24, 28, 29, 30.Badeau, John S.iv.Badr, 18, 19, 35, 43, 55, 57, 58, 61, 62, 64, 77, JOO, 108, Baghdadi, al-, al-Khatib, 7n, 89n.Baladhuri al, 122n.Bar Kochba, 85, 105, 120.Bara°, al-., 34.Baron, Salo, Wittmayer, 4 and n, 24n, 25, 26n, 29n, 88 and n, 116n.Bashan, Eliezer, 8 and n.Bayc;lawi, al-, 3, 60n, 61n, 115n, 118 and n.Belfield, Eversley, 107n, 108n, 116 and n.Bell, Richard, 88 and n, 104n, 118n.Beteille, Andre, I06n.Bi°r Macilnah, 62, 64, 87, 109, 135

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Browne, Edward G., 9n.BuGath, 33, 34, 37, 54, 104, 108, 111, 124.Bukhari, al-, Mul.iammad b.IsmaGil, Imam, 5, 7n, 11n, 20, 21, 22, 59, and n, 63n, 68n, 70n, 78 and n, 80, 81, 82 and n, 87, 88, 91, 92, 97, and n, 102n, 115n, 11811, 121n, 122n, 123n.Ba\ban, 61, 108.Byzantine(s), 27, 41, 75, 112, 116, 120.Caetani, Leone, 4 and n, 40n, 80 and n, 92n.Carmichael, Joel, 52 and n, 125 and n.Carter, Anne, 52n, 53n.Caskel, Werner, 26 and n.Clark, G.Kitson, 67.Clive, John, 17n.Da..is, 64.Delbridge, A.rv.Deuteronomy, 23.Dhahabi, al-, 7n, 18.Dharr, Abii, 15.Dhimmah, ah/ al (dhimmah) 4, 46n.Dhii Nuwas, Yusuf, 25, 34, 83, 103.Dhii Qarad, 97.Duri, A.A., 73n, 90n.l;)amri, al-, c Amr b.Umayyah, 63.Edomite, 26.Elpherar (al-Farra'}, 3 and n.Exilarch (Exilarchate), 7, 8 and n 10, 17, 24, 94.Fadak,32, 34,42, 103.Fa<;!!, al-, Umm, bint al-I;Iarith, 54.Fatimid (empire), 9n.Faziirah, B., 68, 101, 116.Freeman, Richard, 124n.Finl.iii.~.108.Friedlaender, Israel, lOn, 29, 30n, 119n.Fujar, 107.Fuck, Johann, 7n,18n.Gabrieli, Francesco, 23n, 29n, 117 and n.Gagnier, J., 3.Gaon.(Gaonate, Gaonic), 7, 8, 9n, 17, 24, 30.Geiger, Abraham, 2 and n, 3, 4, 24.Ghii.bah, al-, 97, 99.Ghassan, 27.Gha\afii.n, B.64, 67, 68, 70, 96, 97, 99, 110, 113, 116.Ghazzii.I b.Samaw'al, 91.Ghifiir, B., 99.Giffen, Lois A., 1v.Gil, Moshe, 43 and n.Goitein, S.D., 2 and n, 3 and n, 4, 8 and n, 9n, 29n, 53n, 123n.Goldziher, Ignaz, 20 and n, 2ln, 107n, 119n.Goods, Alexander David, 125.Graetz, H., 4 and n, 8 and n, 9n, lOn, 24n, 25n, 27 and n, 28n, 29, 30, 75n, 88 and n, 106n.Grayzel, Solomon, 10 and n.Grimme, H., 4, 118.Guillaume, A., 7n, 16, 17n, 21, 22n, 54n, 56n, 62n.Habib, Ibn.87 and n.Had!, B., 29.Hagiography, 16.Hartman, George W., 23.Hija', 107.Hilberg, Raul, 85n.Hirschberg, Joachim Wilhelm (Haim Z'ew), 4 and n, 8 and n.Hishii.m, lbn, 3n, 5, 14n, 15n, 18, 19 and n, 20n, 33n, 34n, 35n, 41n, 42n, 43n, 45n, 46n, 47n, 48n, 51n, 53n, 54n, 55 and n, 56n, 57n, 58n, 59 and n, 62n, 63n, 64n, 65n, 68n, 70n, 71n, 72n, 73n, 74n, 77 and n, 78n, 79n, 80n, 81n, 82n, 83n, 87n, 88n, 89n, 90 and n, 91n, 92n, 93n, 95n, 96n, 97n, 99n, 100n, 101n, 102ri, 108n, 109n, llOn, llln, 112n, 113n, l 14n, 115n, 121n, 122n, 136

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7 7, 9, 8 I , I, l, 1, INDEX I;lajji khalifah, 22n.I;Iakam, 77, 78, 80, 92n, 93.I;Iamidullah, Muhammad, 74n, 114n, 39 and n, 46n.I;Ianbal, Abmad b., 11, 18, 22, 87, andn.I;Ianifa, Abu, 89.I;Iarith, al-, Bint, 82.I;Iarith, al-B., 40.I;Iarithah, B., 41, 91.I;lassan b.Thabit, 90.I;Iatib b.Abu Balta..ah, 77n.Hayyabiin , al-, Ibn, 15.I;lijr, al-, 26.ljilf, 32.I;Iimyar (l;Iimyarites), 25, 27 , 29 , 103, 104, 105.I;lirah, 34.Horovitz, Joseph, 4 and n, 7n, lln, 12, 13 and n, 18n, 27n, 28n.I;Iublah, Bae.I-, 34, 40.I;Iudaybiyah, al-, 16, 46, 52, 93, 96, 97, 100, Ill, 113, 115, 124.I;Iucjayr, al-, b.Simak, 37.I;Iuyayy b.Akhtab, 15, 65,67, 83, 84, 91, 95, 96, 105, 106, 109, 110, 115n.Ibn Abi Khaithamah, 46n.lbn I;Iabib, 87 and n.Jbn Kathir , 4ln , 44n , 46n, 71n, 76n, 77n, 83n.118n.Ibn Khaldun, 2, 85.Ibn Khallikiin, 7n , 11 n, 18 and n , 89n.Ibn Man+ur.8ln, 90n.Ibo sa<-d.ibn, 3n, 5, 6, 7n, 17, 18, 19, 23, 24, 41 and n, 48n , 55n, 57, 58, 59 and n, 60, 64n , 65 , 68n , 73 and n, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 87, 89n, 96n, 97 and n, 99n, lOln, 108, 109n 110 a nd n, llln, 113n.Idumaean, 30.Imru 0 al-Qays, 45.lsaiah, 25n.Ishaq, ibn, Muhammad.5, 6, 7 and n, 9, 10, 11, and n, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 35, 40, 41 , 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61, 63, 65, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77 , 78, 79, 80, 81 , 82, 83, 84, 87, 89; 90, 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 102, 108, 110, 114, 115, 121.J~bahani , Abu al-Faraj , 23, 26 and n , 64.I~fahani, al-, Abu Na<-aym, 63n.I~fahani, al-, I;lamzah, 34n.Isfahani, al-, Raghib, 81 n, 90n.c.lmad, al-, c.Abd al-I;Iayy b.Abmad al-I;Ianbali, ibn, 60 and n.'Isa, ibn, Obadiah, 9 and n, 10, 17.Jafnah, 40.Jafri, Husain Mohammad, iii Jahiliyah, 38.Jahl , Abu fAbu al-l;lakam c.Amr b.Hishiim).55.Jabash, '"Abd Allah b., 55n, 93.Jabiz , 34n.Jermiah, 25n.Jibash, 15.Jizyah, 49, 123.Job, 25n.Jones, J.M.B., ltn, 14n, 40n.Judham, B., 29.Juma(Ji, al-, Muhammad b.Sallam, 53.Jusham B., 40, 41.Juwayriyah, 123.Kac.b b.Asad al-Qurazi, 70, 72 and n, 73, 74, 75, 76, 83, 91, 95, 105, 106, 111.Kac.b b.al-Ashraf, 28, 53, 62, 63, 80, 97.Ka"b b.Malik, 34.Kahin (Kahiniln) 29, 30.Khandaq, al-, 44.See Al-A(lzab.Khatmah, B., 81.Khaybai, 3, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 24, 30, 34, 41, 42, 44, 50, 52, 60, 65, 67, 68, 88, 93, 95~ 102 , 103, 106, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 123, 124.137

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Khazraj, al-.32, 33, 34, 40, 45, 52, 53, 54, 57, 67, 68, 72, 77, 96, 104, 121.Khudri, al-, Abii Sa 0 id, 79.Khurradadhbih, Ibn, 33 and n.Kinanah b.al-Rahic b.Abii al-Huqayq, 65, 67, 95, 100, 115n.Kister, M.:r.,-··61 and n, 62n.63 and n, 87, 88n, 119n.Kuper, Leo., 56 and n.Lakhmids, 34.Lammens, Henri, 4 and n, 20 and n, 32 and n, 34 and n, 101, 116 and n, 118.Lane E.W., 90n.Lahi 0 a, Ibn, 63.Leff, Gordon, 6n.Levy, Barbara, 86n.Lewis, Bernard.1, 48n.Lex talionis, 38.Leszynsky, Rudolf, 2, 4.Lichtenstadter, Ilse, 45.Lubiibah, Abu, b.c Abdul Mundhir, 72, 73n, 76, 77 and n, 79, 80.Lukacs, John, 5n.Ma"bad b.Malik An~iiri, 73.Macaulay, 17 and n.Maddocks, Melvin, 17n.MaJ:imud b.Maslamah, 100.MakJ:iUI, 7n.Makhzum, 123.Malik b.Abii Qawqal, 64.Malik b.al-Anas, Imam, 7, 11, 12, 14, 16.Malik b.al-Sayf 62.Mansur, al-, 7, 9, 10.Margoliouth, D.S., 20 and n, 28 and n, 29 and n, 45n, 58, 76 and n.Margolis, Max.L., 8 and n, 9n.MarJ:iab, 101.Marx Alexander, 8 and n, 9n.Maudiidi, Abu! A "Ia, 39n, 51n.Messiah, 9, 10, 119, 120.Mu"awiyah, 91, 93.MuJ:iammad b.Maslamah, 64, 80, 100, 101.MuJ:iayyi~ah b.Mas 0 i1d, 19, 114.Muir, Sir William, 4 and n, 118.Mujiihid b.Jabr, 76.Mundhir III.34.Mundhir IV., 34.Muqanna"', al-, 9.Murrah, B., 68.f Musa b."'Uqbah, 16, 24.Musayyib, al-, Sa 0 id, b., 7 and n.Muslim, Abii, 9.Muslim b.al-J.lajjiij, 5, 20, 21, 59 and n.78, 79, 82, 88, 91, 92.Mu~taliq, al-,B., 43, 44, 123.Nabatean, 26.Nabbash b.Qays, 91.Na<,lir al-, B., 3, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 24, 26, 28, 29, 35, 36n, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63-66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 109, 110, 115n, 121, 122, 124.Naisaburi, "'Abd Allah, 21.Najjar, al-, B., 40, 41, 82.Najran, 14, 27, 34, 48, 75, 83, 84, 88, 103, 105.Nas, al-, Ibn Sayyid, 7n, lln, 12 and n.Nawawi, al-, 92, 93.Nemoy, Leon, 8.Nicholson, R.A., 85n.Noldeke, Theodore, 11, 42, 118.Nu"'man III., 34.Obermann, J., 48n.O'Leary, De Lacy 30n, 119n.Paret, Rudi, 39, 51n.Peters, F.E., 37.Petersen, Erling Ladewig, 6 and n, 18 andn.Polybius, 103.Qii~itbey, Sultan al-Ashraf, 22.Qarda al-, 97.Qarqarah, al-, 97, 113.Qatadah, <-A~im b."Umiir, 7n, 11, 12, 13, 61, 78.

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n.6, 2, 2, 3, 1, 8, 8 !, f iNDEX Qaylah, B., 32, 33, 34, 52, 53.Qaynuqa 0 , B., 3, 10, 13, 19, 24, 26, 29, 30, 35, 40, 41 and n, 42, 43, 51-62, 65, 66, 70, 80, 101, 108, 109, 110, 114, 122, 123, 124.Qays b.Ma"dikarib, 45.Qays b.Makhramah, 7.Quranah, B., 3, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 23, 24, 26, 29, 30, 33, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 64, 68-94, 95, 100, 101, 110, 111, 122, 123, 124.Qur~i, al-, Abu Malik b.Tha"labah b.Abu Malik, 14.Salama b.Fa91 b.al-Abrash al-Ansari, 56n.Salmah bint al-Sai 0 igh, 34.Samaw'al-, al-, 27, 28, 29, 45 and n.Samhi1di, al-.22, 23n, 29n, 30n, 32n, 33n, 44, 68n, 90, 91n, 104n.Sammak, 95.Samuel, 23.Schacht, Joseph, 20 and n, 50n, 60n, 89n, 92n.Serene (Serenus) 9.Sergeant, R.B., 39 and n, 44 and n, 45 and n.46n, 83n.Shaban, M.A., 27 and n.Qura?i, al-, "Atiyah, 15, 81.Qura?i, al-, Mu]:iammad b.Ka"b, 14.C: - Shafi"i, Imam, 11, 60 and n, 89 and n..Shahid,,Jlfan.25n, 34 and n, 83n, 88n, 104n..._..:: Raglan, Lord, 20 and n.Raji", al-, 99.Ray]:ianah, 123 and n.Reiske, J.J.3.Reissner, H.G., 29, and n.Ri9wan, al-, 113.Rifa"ah b.Qays, 108.Rifa 0 ah b.Samaw 0 al al-Qura?i, 85.Rivkin, Ellis, 121n, 125n, 126.Robson, James, 13 and n, 14n, 20 and n, 21 and n.Rodinson, Maxime, 51, 52 and n, 53n, 64, 95, 123n.Rosenthal, Franz, lln, 60n.Saboras, 17.Sa"d, B., 68.Sa"d b.Mu<-adh, 35, 70, 72, 73, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94.Sa"d b."Ubadah, 79.Saliba°, al-, 99.Sa"idah, B.40, 41.Sal", 68.Salim, B., 40.Salim b."Umayr, 81.Sallam b.Abil al-Huqayq (Abu Rafi"), 65, 67, 96, 97, 115n.Salam b.Mishkam, 64, 121.Salamah b."Amr b.al-Akwa 0 al- Aslami, 97, 100.Shahrastani, Mu]:iammad b."Abd al- Karim, 9n, lOn.Shas b.Qays, 54, 108.Shu"bah b.al-J:Iajjaj, 11.Shu\aybah, al- B., 41.Shaykhayn, 68.Silkan·b.Salamah b.Waqsh, 80.Simeon of Beth Arsham, 58.Sinbadh, 9.Smith, W.Robertson, 32n, 43 and n.Stiehl, R., 33 and n.Sufyan, Abil, b.l;larb, 15, 64, 68, 70, 95.Sufyan b."Uyaynah, 11.Sulaym, B,-08:-·- Sunaynah, Ibn, 19, 20, 114.Suwailam, 41.Suwayd, 64.SalJtfah, 35, 37-50, 51, 91, 94, 119.Safiyah hint..Abd al Mut\alib, 70.Safiyah bin! l;luyayy b.Akhtab, 15, 30n, 102, 123.Samit, al-,"Ubadah b, 59.Siffin, 93.Tabuk, 41, 77.Tal;kfm, 92, 93.Talmud, (Talmudic), 3, 29, 30, 34.Talmudical Ordinances, 9.Tayma°, 25, 32, 34, 88, 103.139

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Tha"Iabah, B., 29, 32n, 40, 41.Tha"labi, al-, Jabal b.JawwaI, 92.Tirmidhi 30n.Torrey, Charles Cutler, 4 and n, lln, 32 and n, 104 and n.Tubba", 53, 71, 74.Tabari, al-, 17, 54n, 56 and n, 60n, 61n, 63n, 65n, 77n, 97 and n.Talbah b."Ubayd Alllih, 41.Tulaybah b.Khuwaylid, 68.Ubud, 19, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 100, 109, Ukhdiid, 83.Umamah, Abo, 79.Umayyad(s), 6, 7, 9, 16, 21, 22, 39, 93, 122.Umayyah, B, 6.Umayyah, b.Zayd, 91.Umm Salamah 123, "Ubadah b.al-Samit, 59.Ubayd, Abii, 46n, 49 and n."Ubayd, Mount of Banii, 68."Ubaydah, B., 81."Ubaydah, Abil, b.al-Jarrab, 48."Umar, 7n, 24, 59, 87, 112, 113, 116, 121, 125n."Urnar II, 7n."Umayr b."Adiy al-Khatmi, 81.Ummah, 37-50, 51, 52, 94, 116, 124, 125, "Urwah, Hisham b., 11.Usque, Samuel, 24 and n.Ustadhsis, 9."Utbah b.Rabi"ah, 14."Uyaynah b.Hi~n b.Hudhayfah.b.Badr al-Fazari, 68, 97, 99.Vaglieri, L.Veccia, 86n.Vida, G.Levi Della, 16 and n, 17n.Wlidi al-Fur", 99.Wadi al-Qura, 32, 34, 88, 103.Wli 0 il, B., 67.Waqidi, al-, Abli "Abd Allah Mubammad b."Umar, 3n, 5, 6, 17, 18, 19, 23, 24, 55n, 56 and n, 57n, 58, 59 and n, 60, 6ln, 65 and n, 68n, 71, 76 and n, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 87, 88 and n, 89n, 90, 9ln, 96n, 97 and n, 108, 109 and n, IJO and n, ll3n.Watt, Montgomery, 4, 18n, 21 and n, 28n, 32n, 39 and n, 40 and n, 41 and n, 42n, 44, 45, 46n, 5ln, 52n, 55n, 68 and n, 80, 86 and n, 92n, 105, 106n, llln, 122n, 123 and n, 124 and n.Wellhausen J., 40 and n.Wensinck.A.J.,4 and n.Weregeld, 38.Wherry E.M., 42, 44n, 118 and n.Wolfenson Israel, 4 and n, 27 and n, 107n.Wiistenfeld, Ferdinand, 5n, 14n.Yabya b.Adam, 23, 60 and n, 89, 102 and n.Yabya b.Ma"in, 11.Yamin, 15.Ya"qiibi, al-, Ibn Waqih, 27n, 29 and n.30n, 32 and n.Yaqiit, lln, 33 and n.Ylisir, 101.Yazid, II., 9.Yazid b."Abd Allah b.Qusay!, 73n.Yazid b.Ruman, 13.Yehudi ben Naham, 17.Young, F.M..2.Yusuf, Abu, 59, 89 and n, 93.Zabir, al-, b.Bata al-Qura:i:i, 83, 84.Zafar, 91.Zamakhshari, al-, 60n, 6ln, 65n, 115n, 118 and n, Zarim, Al-yusayr b., 96, 97, 113, 115.Za"urah, B., 27.Ziadeh, Nicola, iii Zubayr, Al-, b.al-"Awwam, 83, 85, 86, 87, 91.Zuhri, Al-, 7, 11, 12, 13, 24, 73 and n, 89n.Zurayq, B., 41.Zurqlini, al-, 63n.140- 7016 9753-J 5 ~.) 10/03/03 ,_Koo fl'

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BARAKAT AHMAD has been educated in the disciplines of law, linguistics, literature and history.He received his Ph.D in Arab History from the American University of Beirut and was awarded a doctorate in literature by the University of Tehran.Before his appointment as India's High Commissioner to Trinidad and Tobago Dr Barakat Ahmad was Adviser to the Indian Delegation to the United Nations General Assembly (1970- 74) and dealt with the Arab- Israeli issues in the U.N.Special Political Committee.Dr Ahmad has travelled extensiv~ly in the Muslim world from Jerusalem to Djakarta and Lagos to Mogadishu.Dr Barakat Ahmad has recently retired from the Indian Foreign Service.1V02A2501 ISBN 0 7069 0804 X

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